本杰明·富兰克林自传
Author: [美] 本杰明·兰克林
Date: 2010-07-14 16:00:00+00:00
Keywords: 传记; 美国
Description: 《本杰明•富兰克林自传》是一部影响了几代美国人的励志奇书，内容真实生动，文笔亲切朴实，叙述了本杰明•富兰克林这位美国开国元勋从一个默默无闻的印刷工人成长为一位科学家、政治家的历程。它包含了人生奋斗与成功的真知灼见，以及诸种善与美的道德真谛。这部自传开创了现代西方自传的文学传统，被公认为是改变了无数人命运的美国精神读本。
Publisher: 外语教学与研究出版社

Copyright © Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press 2010

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or distributed by any means, or stored in a database or retrieval system, without the prior written permission of Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press.

本书版权由外语教学与研究出版社独家所有。如未获得该社书面同意，书中任何部分之文字及图片，不得用任何方式抄袭、节录、翻印或存储利用于任何数据库及检索系统等。

Published by Foreign Language Teaching and Research Press

No. 19 Xisanhuan Beilu

Beijing, China 100089
http://www.fltrp.com

图书在版编目(CIP)数据

本杰明·富兰克林自传：英汉对照/(美)富兰克林(Franklin, B.)著；李梦圆译.—北京：外语教学与研究出版社，2010.6（2012.10重印）

(外研社双语读库)

书名原文：The Autobiography of Benjamin Franklin

ISBN 978-7-5600-9773-2

I. ①本…　II. ①富… ②李…　III. ①英语—汉语—对照读物 ②富兰克林，B. (1706～1790)—自传　IV. ①H319.4: K

中国版本图书馆CIP数据核字(2010)第116566号

出版人：蔡剑峰

策划：凯思明工作室

责任编辑：米晓瑞

执行编辑：潘小英　高虹

版式设计：张苏梅

封面设计：袁璐

出版发行：外语教学与研究出版社

社址：北京市西三环北路19号(100089)

网址：http：//www.fltrp.com

版次：2010年7月第1版　2012年10月第3次印刷

书号：ISBN 978-7-5600-9773-2

*　　*　　*

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版权保护办公室举报电话：(010)88817519

总序

外研社自创立之日起就一贯秉承“记载人类文明，沟通世界文化”的宗旨。上世纪九十年代以来，我们陆续出版了“九十年代英语系列丛书”、“大师经典文库”、“英美文学文库”等系列经典图书，在最大限度满足国内英语学习者阅读需求的同时，也为中华民族引进和吸收海外优秀文化发挥了重要的桥梁纽带作用。

在多年出版实践中我们发现，对原版图书简单地以外语形式呈现，会使一些初级和中级学习者望而却步；而纯粹的译著，在翻译过程中又容易失掉原著中的某些精妙之笔，甚至丢失信息，因为每种语言都蕴含着其他语言无法精确对应的情致、智慧和对真善美的洞见。文化交流是一个双向互动的过程，因此在大量引入外文作品的同时，我们也不能忽略本民族文化在世界范围内的推广和传播，即把中国传递给世界。

基于上述考虑，我们应时推出“外研社双语读库”，立足经典，涵盖中外名家名作，涉及社会科学各个领域，以书系划分，采用双语编排，对文化背景附有注释。旨在积累世界各民族精粹文化的同时，向世界传递中国文化，也为广大英语学习者提供更为丰富和实用的学习读物。

读库第一批收录的20部西方经典，多出自十九、二十世纪著名作家、学者、思想家和哲学家笔下，作品题材丰富，类型多样，包括学术作品1部、传记2种、小说3本、游记4部、杂文9辑以及回忆录1册。文章难度介于普及性读物与专业性读物之间，可作为由一般英语学习者向专业英语使用者过渡时的教材使用。

翻开书，这边厢波涛荡荡，那边厢涟漪漾漾。在英语的海洋里戏水，水性再好的人也难免精疲力竭，那就到汉语的礁岛上歇歇脚吧。

买了书是缘，翻开书，则是海边度假了。

译者 序

《本杰明·富兰克林自传》一书记录了本杰明·富兰克林——这位美国开国元勋从默默无闻到功勋卓著的奋斗历程。

也许很多人在读这本书之前就已知道，富兰克林是一位在许多方面均有建树的通才，他不仅是杰出的政治家、外交家，还是一位优秀的科学家、发明家和作家。他是美国独立战争的领导人之一，曾参与起草《独立宣言》和《美国1787年宪法》，是美利坚合众国当之无愧的开国元勋；他担任了美国首任驻法国大使，受到法国人民欢迎，享有很高的国际声誉；他热心于公共事务，创办了美洲第一家会员制图书馆，建立了费城学院（常春藤盟校宾夕法尼亚大学的前身），他还成立了全美首家医院；他在电学、气象学等学科上卓有成就，拥有避雷针等多项发明；他的《穷理查年鉴》极为畅销，为当时许多普通民众的自我教育提供了参考，而其自传更是流芳百世，为人称道，其中记述的他自我完善的道德计划激励了许多代人奋发向上，影响十分深远。

《本杰明·富兰克林自传》一书分为四个部分，是富兰克林在不同时期所写。传记依照时间顺序，从对其祖父一辈的简要介绍开始，写到年轻时作者本人如何开始创业、走向事业成功，最后写到作者在公共事务和科学实验两大方面的成就。但第四个部分尚未完成，富兰克林就离开了人世。尽管《自传》只记录到1757年，富兰克林人生后期的辉煌我们无缘从他笔下读到，但这并不影响本书成为一本流传后世的好书。

《本杰明·富兰克林自传》具有很高的文学价值，它与卢梭的《忏悔录》、歌德的《诗与真》一起，开创了现代西方自传的文学传统，成为研究其他传记作品的基础。阅读此书，我们将读到现代传记文学的奠基之作，并能对当时美洲的人情风貌有个大致了解。

《本杰明·富兰克林自传》的主人公富兰克林并非王公贵族，他的父亲为了寻求宗教自由来到美洲，在美洲也仅仅做着油烛匠的生意，甚至连他继续上学的费用都难以承担。尽管出身如此贫寒卑微，但富兰克林丝毫不以为意，他通过持之以恒的自我奋斗，取得了举世瞩目的成就。这种从贫穷到富裕、从卑微到伟大的自我奋斗、自我实现的历程，淋漓尽致地体现了人们对“美国梦”的追寻。可以说，富兰克林是实现“美国梦”最具代表性的人物之一。阅读此书，将使我们更深入地体会美国文化传统和美国精神的真正含义。

富兰克林是伟大的，但他走向成功的方法并非不可复制，正如他的朋友在写给他的信中所说的一样，他的自传“将为自我教育提供崇高的法则和范例”，使年轻人“早日意识到潜心事业、节俭生活以及自我克制的重要性”。所谓见贤思齐，当我们读到这位伟人在走向成功的道路上曾付出怎样的努力、经历怎样的挫折时，当我们看到他为实现道德完善而制定的修身计划时，即使不去刻意模仿，我们中的许多人也会被他刻苦勤奋、追求上进的精神所感染，从而激励自己在学习、工作和为人处世上努力实现自我完善。伟人就是有这样的感召力，这就是为什么这本书自首次出版就如此畅销，并被尊为成功励志的传世经典之作，得到众多成功学大师的一致推崇。阅读此书，能激励我们不断改进自己、完善自己。

李梦圆

2008年冬

目　录

PART ONE

第一部分

PART TWO

第二部分

PART THREE

第三部分

PART FOUR

第四部分

CHIEF EVENTS IN FRANKLIN'S LIFE

富兰克林生平大事记

PART ONE

(TWYFORD, at the Bishop of St. Asaph's, 1771.)

DEAR SON: I have ever had pleasure in obtaining any little anecdotes of my ancestors. You may remember the inquiries I made among the remains of my relations when you were with me in England, and the journey I undertook for that purpose. Imagining it may be equally agreeable to (After the words "agreeable to" the words "some of " were interlined and afterward effaced.—B.) you to know the circumstances of my life, many of which you are yet unacquainted with, and expecting the enjoyment of a week's uninterrupted leisure in my present country retirement, I sit down to write them for you. To which I have besides some other inducements. Having emerged from the poverty and obscurity in which I was born and bred, to a state of affluence and some degree of reputation in the world, and having gone so far through life with a considerable share of felicity, the conducing means I made use of, which with the blessing of God so well succeeded, my posterity may like to know, as they may find some of them suitable to their own situations, and therefore fit to be imitated.

That felicity, when I reflected on it, has induced me sometimes to say, that were it offered to my choice, I should have no objection to a repetition of the same life from its beginning, only asking the advantages authors have in a second edition to correct some faults of the first. So I might, besides correcting the faults, change some sinister accidents and events of it for others more favorable. But though this were denied, I should still accept the offer. Since such a repetition is not to be expected, the next thing most like living one's life over again seems to be a recollection of that life, and to make that recollection as durable as possible by putting it down in writing.

第一部分

(1771年写于特怀福德的圣阿萨夫主教家中)

亲爱的孩子：我历来喜欢搜集我祖先的点滴趣闻轶事。你也许还记得和我同在英国的时候，我曾为此长途跋涉，拜访仍然在世的亲戚。想来你可能也同样想了解我生活的经历，其中许多你还并不熟悉；想到将在乡下度过一周清净无扰的闲暇时光，我就坐下来为你写下这些事情。除此之外，我提笔写作还有其他一些原因。我出身贫寒卑微，童年在穷困中度过，后来竟过上了富足生活，在世界上也有了些名望。我的人生走到今天，经历中有很多运气的成分，承蒙上帝眷顾，我的处世之道还算成功。我的子孙们也许希望对此有所了解，以便日后遇到适宜情况或许可以效仿一二。

当我回忆起那种幸运的时候，我有时忍不住想说，如果有机会选择，我会毫不介意从头至尾再过一遍这样的人生；但只恳求能拥有作家的特权，可以在再版时纠正第一版的一些错误。除此之外，我还想改变某些不幸遭遇，让人生更顺利些。不过，即使这个愿望实现不了，我还是会接受让人生重来一次的提议。但由于这样的重演是不会实现的，而与重演人生最相近的似乎就是回顾人生的一切境遇，并提笔写下这些回忆，让它经久不衰。

Hereby, too, I shall indulge the inclination so natural in old men, to be talking of themselves and their own past actions; and I shall indulge it without being tiresome to others, who, through respect to age, might conceive themselves obliged to give me a hearing, since this may be read or not as any one pleases. And, lastly (I may as well confess it, since my denial of it will be believed by nobody), perhaps I shall a good deal gratify my own vanity. Indeed, I scarce ever heard or saw the introductory words, "Without vanity I may say," etc., but some vain thing immediately followed. Most people dislike vanity in others, whatever share they have of it themselves; but I give it fair quarter wherever I meet with it, being persuaded that it is often productive of good to the possessor, and to others that are within his sphere of action; and therefore, in many cases, it would not be altogether absurd if a man were to thank God for his vanity among the other comforts of life.

And now I speak of thanking God, I desire with all humility to acknowledge that I owe the mentioned happiness of my past life to His kind providence, which lead me to the means I used and gave them success. My belief of this induces me to hope, though I must not presume, that the same goodness will still be exercised toward me, in continuing that happiness, or enabling me to bear a fatal reverse, which I may experience as others have done: the complexion of my future fortune being known to Him only in whose power it is to bless to us even our afflictions.

The notes one of my uncles (who had the same kind of curiosity in collecting family anecdotes) once put into my hands, furnished me with several particulars relating to our ancestors. From these notes I learned that the family had lived in the same village, Ecton, in Northamptonshire, for three hundred years, and how much longer he knew not (perhaps from the time when the name of Franklin, that before was the name of an order of people, was assumed by them as a surname when others took surnames all over the kingdom), on a freehold of about thirty acres, aided by the smith's business, which had continued in the family till his time, the eldest son being always bred to that business; a custom which he and my father followed as to their eldest sons. When I searched the registers at Ecton, I found an account of their births, marriages and burials from the year 1555 only, there being no registers kept in that parish at any time preceding. By that register I perceived that I was the youngest son of the youngest son for five generations back. My grandfather Thomas, who was born in 1598, lived at Ecton till he grew too old to follow business longer, when he went to live with his son John, a dyer at Banbury, in Oxfordshire, with whom my father served an apprenticeship. There my grandfather died and lies buried. We saw his gravestone in 1758. His eldest son Thomas lived in the house at Ecton, and left it with the land to his only child, a daughter, who, with her husband, one Fisher, of Wellingborough, sold it to Mr. Isted, now lord of the manor there. My grandfather had four sons that grew up, viz.: Thomas, John, Benjamin and Josiah. I will give you what account I can of them, at this distance from my papers, and if these are not lost in my absence, you will among them find many more particulars.

因此，我也会沉浸在老年人的自然爱好中，那就是谈论自己，谈论自己的旧事；我会沉浸其中，但不会使听者厌烦，他们出于对年长者的尊敬不得不听我诉说，而如果把这些事情写下来，读与不读就悉听尊便了。最后（我也承认这一点，因为即使我否认也没人相信），也许我的虚荣心能从中得到极大的满足。的确，我很少听到或看到这样的开场白：“我不存一点虚荣心”等，而自负之语随即就出现了。不管人们自己自负的程度如何，他们大多不喜欢他人狂妄自负；但每当我遇到自负之人，都能予以宽容和理解，因为我相信，这自负不管对于自负者本人，还是与他相处的旁人，都颇有裨益；因此在许多情况下，如果人们因为属于人生诸多慰藉之一的自负心而感谢上帝，倒也并不荒唐。

既然提到感谢上帝，我想非常谦卑地承认，我所提及的过去生活中的幸福都来自上帝的眷顾，是他让我悟出了处世之道并取得成功。这一信念让我怀抱期望，尽管我不应妄定他仍将施与我同样的恩惠，使我继续先前的幸福，或者让我在像他人一样遭遇致命的人生逆境时，依然能够承受得住：只有上帝知道我未来的命运，他会祝福我们，即使这种祝福是以施与苦难的形式。

我的一位伯父曾交给我一些笔记（他和我一样爱好搜集家族趣闻），让我对我们家族先人的某些事情有了了解。从这些笔记中我得知，我们家族在北安普敦郡的埃克顿村居住了300年，在这之前还有多少年他不得而知（“富兰克林”原本是一个社会阶层的名字，后来全国各地的人们都开始采用姓氏时，“富兰克林”开始被他们当作姓，也许我们家族从那时起就在此居住了），我们的家族拥有约30英亩的自由土地，并以铁匠生意为副业，一直经营到伯父那个时候，都是由家里的长子继承这门生意的，伯父和我父亲都遵循了这一传统。我查询了埃克顿的登记册，发现只有1555年以后关于他们出生、婚嫁和丧葬的记录，此前的记录在该教区均已无据可考。从那本登记册上我了解到，我是家族里五代人中最小儿子的最小儿子。我的祖父托马斯生于1598年，一直住在埃克顿，直到因年老而不能打理生意才搬到牛津郡的班伯里和儿子约翰一起住。约翰是个染工，我父亲还曾给他当过学徒。祖父后来在牛津郡去世，并葬在了那里。我们曾于1758年见过他的墓碑。他的长子托马斯住在埃克顿的房子里，后来把房子与土地留给了他的独生女。女儿的丈夫是韦灵伯勒一个叫费希尔的人，他们把土地卖给了伊斯特先生，他现在是那块领地的主人。祖父有四个儿子长大成人，他们是托马斯、约翰、本杰明和乔赛亚。我没把关于他们的记录带在身边，我只能尽我所能向你描述他们的状况，如果那些记录在我不在时不会丢失的话，你可以从中了解到更多细节。

Thomas was bred a smith under his father; but, being ingenious, and encouraged in learning (as all my brothers were) by an Esquire Palmer, then the principal gentleman in that parish, he qualified himself for the business of scrivener; became a considerable man in the county; was a chief mover of all public-spirited undertakings for the county or town of Northampton, and his own village, of which many instances were related of him; and much taken notice of and patronized by the then Lord Halifax. He died in 1702, January 6, old style, just four years to a day before I was born. The account we received of his life and character from some old people at Ecton, I remember, struck you as something extraordinary, from its similarity to what you knew of mine.

"Had he died on the same day," you said, "one might have supposed a transmigration."

John was bred a dyer, I believe of woolens. Benjamin was bred a silk dyer, serving an apprenticeship at London. He was an ingenious man. I remember him well, for when I was a boy he came over to my father in Boston, and lived in the house with us some years. He lived to a great age. His grandson, Samuel Franklin, now lives in Boston. He left behind him two quarto volumes, MS., of his own poetry, consisting of little occasional pieces addressed to his friends and relations, of which the following, sent to me, is a specimen. (Here follow in the margin the words, in brackets, "here insert it," but the poetry is not given.) He had formed a short-hand of his own, which he taught me, but, never practising it, I have now forgot it. I was named after this uncle, there being a particular affection between him and my father. He was very pious, a great attender of sermons of the best preachers, which he took down in his short-hand, and had with him many volumes of them. He was also much of a politician; too much, perhaps, for his station. There fell lately into my hands, in London, a collection he had made of all the principal pamphlets, relating to public affairs, from 1641 to 1717; many of the volumes are wanting as appears by the numbering, but there still remain eight volumes in folio, and twenty-four in quarto and in octavo. A dealer in old books met with them, and knowing me by my sometimes buying of him, he brought them to me. It seems my uncle must have left them here, when he went to America, which was about fifty years since. There are many of his notes in the margins.

大儿子托马斯跟着他的父亲学了打铁，但他天资聪颖，当时教区的大绅士帕尔默先生鼓励他（我的其他兄弟们也都一样）继续学习。后来他获得了文书资格，在郡里颇有影响，还是北安普敦郡、乡镇以及本村所有公益事业的主要推动者。我听人们讲述了他的许多事迹，他还得到了哈利法克斯勋爵的赏识和资助。托马斯于旧历1702年1月6日去世，而我恰好在他去世四年后的那一天出生了。我记得当时我们听完埃克顿的一些老人讲述他的生平和性格后，你着实吃惊不小，因为这和你所了解的我很相似。

“如果他在你出生的日子去世，”你说，“人们会以为你是他的转世。”

二儿子约翰学做了染工，好像是染羊毛的。三儿子本杰明成了丝绸染工，在伦敦当学徒。他是个聪慧灵巧的人。我很清楚地记得他，因为在我还小的时候他来波士顿找过我父亲，和我们一起住了几年。他活得年岁很高，他的孙子塞缪尔·富兰克林现居波士顿。本杰明死后留下两卷四开本的诗集手稿，都是他自己创作的，其中有些是题赠给朋友和亲戚的应景小诗，下面这首写给我的小诗就是个例子。（在此页空白处有个括号，里面有“在此插入”的字样，但没有给出小诗。）他还自创了一种速记方法，并把它教给了我，只是我从未练习过，现在都忘了。当时他和我父亲感情特别好，所以我的名字也是随他起的。本杰明是个虔诚的教徒，一直坚持去听当时最了不起的牧师布道，并用自创的速记法记下来，他还留有好几卷这样的布道笔记。他还是位出色的政治家，也许就他的地位而言，他在政治上倾注的精力过多了。我最近在伦敦得到一本他搜集的集子，涵盖了1641年至1717年间所有关于公共事务的重要论文。从编号来看，文集中的许多卷已经缺失了，但是仍然留下了8卷对开本、24卷四开本和八开本。一位旧书商偶然得到它们，因为我有时在他那儿买书，所以他认识我，于是就把这些书送到了我这里。这似乎是我伯父去美洲时留在这里的，距今大约已有50年了。书页空白处还留有许多他做的笔记。

This obscure family of ours was early in the Reformation, and continued Protestants through the reign of Queen Mary, when they were sometimes in danger of trouble on account of their zeal against popery.[1] They had got an English Bible, and to conceal and secure it, it was fastened open with tapes under and within the cover of a joint-stool. When my great-great-grandfather read it to his family, he turned up the joint-stool upon his knees, turning over the leaves then under the tapes. One of the children stood at the door to give notice if he saw the apparitor coming, who was an officer of the spiritual court. In that case the stool was turned down again upon its feet, when the Bible remained concealed under it as before. This anecdote I had from my uncle Benjamin. The family continued all of the Church of England till about the end of Charles the Second's reign, when some of the ministers that had been outed for nonconformity holding conventicles in Northamptonshire, Benjamin and Josiah adhered to them, and so continued all their lives; the rest of the family remained with the Episcopal Church[2]

我们这个卑微的家庭很早就响应了宗教改革，玛丽女王统治时期也始终信仰新教，他们有时还因强烈反对天主教而陷入险境。家里有一本英文《圣经》，为了隐藏和保住这本《圣经》，他们把它打开，用胶带绑在折叠凳的背面。高祖父向全家颂读《圣经》时，便把折凳翻过来放在膝盖上，再翻开藏在胶带下的书页。这时会有一个孩子站在门口把风，如果看见宗教法庭官员来了就赶紧报信儿，高祖父就把折凳翻转回来放在地上，于是《圣经》仍像先前一样藏在折凳下面了。这则轶事我是从本杰明伯父那儿听来的。直到查理二世统治末期，家人都一直信仰英国国教，后来有些因不信国教被开除教籍的牧师在北安普敦郡举行秘密集会，本杰明和乔赛亚改信了他们的教派且终生不渝，家里其他人则始终信仰国教。

Josiah, my father, married young, and carried his wife with three children into New England, about 1682. The conventicles having been forbidden by law, and frequently disturbed, induced some considerable men of his acquaintance to remove to that country, and he was prevailed with to accompany them thither, where they expected to enjoy their mode of religion with freedom. By the same wife he had four children more born there, and by a second wife ten more, in all seventeen; of which I remember thirteen sitting at one time at his table, who all grew up to be men and women, and married; I was the youngest son, and the youngest child but two, and was born in Boston, New England. My mother, the second wife, was Abiah Folger, daughter of Peter Folger, one of the first settlers of New England, of whom honorable mention is made by Cotton Mather in his church history of that country, entitled Magnalia Christi Americana[3], as "a godly, learned Englishman," if I remember the words rightly. I have heard that he wrote sundry small occasional pieces, but only one of them was printed, which I saw now many years since. It was written in 1675, in the home-spun verse of that time and people, and addressed to those then concerned in the government there. It was in favor of liberty of conscience, and in behalf of the Baptists, Quakers, and other sectaries that had been under persecution, ascribing the Indian wars, and other distresses that had befallen the country, to that persecution, as so many judgments of God to punish so heinous an offense, and exhorting a repeal of those uncharitable laws. The whole appeared to me as written with a good deal of decent plainness and manly freedom. The six concluding lines I remember, though I have forgotten the two first of the stanza; but the purport of them was, that his censures proceeded from good-will, and, therefore, he would be known to be the author.

"Because to be a libeller (says he) I hate it with my heart; From Sherburne town, where now I dwell My name I do put here; Without offense your real friend, It is Peter Folger."

小儿子乔赛亚是我父亲，娶妻很早，1682年左右携妻子和三个孩子迁到了新英格兰。当时非国教的集会均被法律禁止，活动常常受到干扰，这使得与父亲相识的几位颇有影响的人迁往了新英格兰，而父亲也经他们劝说同意一起走，希望在新英格兰能享有他们的宗教信仰自由。他的第一位妻子在新英格兰又生了4个孩子，第二位妻子生下10个孩子，一共17个；我还记得其中13个一同坐在桌边的情景，他们后来都长大成人，各自成家。我是最小的儿子，出生在新英格兰的波士顿，下面还有两个妹妹。我母亲，也就是我父亲的第二个妻子，名叫艾比亚·福尔杰，是新英格兰第一批移民彼得·福尔杰的女儿，科顿·马瑟曾在其所著的《新英格兰宗教史》这本讲述美洲基督教历史的书中提到过他。如果我没记错的话，马瑟在书里称他是“一个虔诚、博学的英国人”。我听说外祖父曾写下过各类应景小诗，但只有一篇付印，我许多年前曾经读过。那首诗写于1675年，是用当时的朴实诗体写成的，写给当时当地的政府人士。诗中的观点主张宗教信仰自由，支持浸信会、贵格会和其他受迫害的教派，将印第安人战争和其他降临于这片土地的不幸归咎于宗教迫害，称上帝给了如此多的审判就是为了惩罚人们可恶的罪行。诗中还力主废除残酷的法律。在我看来，全诗是以大气直白和颇具男子气概的自由风格写就。我仍然记得结尾的六行，尽管诗节的头两句我已经忘了；那几行大概是说他的指责乃出于好意，因此他愿意让别人知道自己是诗的作者。

“诋毁诽谤他人，我满心憎恶；我住在舍本镇，我的名字也定留在这里；无意冒犯，我是你们真正的朋友，彼得·福尔杰。”

My elder brothers were all put apprentices to different trades. I was put to the grammar-school at eight years of age, my father intending to devote me, as the tithe of his sons, to the service of the Church. My early readiness in learning to read (which must have been very early, as I do not remember when I could not read), and the opinion of all his friends, that I should certainly make a good scholar, encouraged him in this purpose of his. My uncle Benjamin, too, approved of it, and proposed to give me all his short-hand volumes of sermons, I suppose as a stock to set up with, if I would learn his character. I continued, however, at the grammar-school not quite one year, though in that time I had risen gradually from the middle of the class of that year to be the head of it, and farther was removed into the next class above it, in order to go with that into the third at the end of the year. But my father, in the meantime, from a view of the expense of a college education, which having so large a family he could not well afford, and the mean living many so educated were afterwards able to obtain—reasons that he gave to his friends in my hearing—altered his first intention, took me from the grammar-school, and sent me to a school for writing and arithmetic, kept by a then famous man, Mr. George Brownell, very successful in his profession generally, and that by mild, encouraging methods. Under him I acquired fair writing pretty soon, but I failed in the arithmetic, and made no progress in it. At ten years old I was taken home to assist my father in his business, which was that of a tallow-chandler and soap-boiler; a business he was not bred to, but had assumed on his arrival in New England, and on finding his dying trade would not maintain his family, being in little request. Accordingly, I was employed in cutting wick for the candles, filling the dipping mold and the molds for cast candles, attending the shop, going of errands, etc.

我的兄长们都被送到不同行业去当学徒，我则于八岁时进了文法学校，因为父亲希望我——他的第十个儿子——成为牧师。我很小就学会阅读（一定很小，因为我不记得自己有过不识字的时候），加之父亲所有的朋友都认为我一定能成为一位优秀的学者，这也让他对此抱了更大的希望。本杰明伯父对此也很赞同，还提议说，如果我能认识他的字，就把他所有速记下来的布道笔记留给我，作为知识积累的开始。但我在文法学校学习还不到一年，父亲便决定让我转学，去上了一所学习写作和算术的学校。而那时我已逐渐从班上中等水平进步到名列前茅，还进入了更高的年级，准备年终时升入三年级读书。不过，父亲当时考虑到家里人口众多，很难再承担昂贵的大学学费，而且许多受过良好教育的人后来也过得相当穷困——我亲耳听他对朋友们这么说过——这些都使他改变了初衷。我后来去的那所学校是由当时的知名人士乔治·布朗威尔先生办的。布朗威尔先生对学生采取温和、鼓励性的教学方法，因此把教育办得非常成功。在他那里我很快学会了写一手好字，但算术学得不好，没取得什么进步。10岁时，父亲让我回家协助他做生意，卖油烛和肥皂；他以前没有学过这行，是到新英格兰之后才开始干的，因为他发现在这里做染工没什么生意，养不了家。就这样，我开始给蜡烛剪烛芯，填灌蜡烛模子，照管店铺，跑跑腿什么的。

I disliked the trade, and had a strong inclination for the sea, but my father declared against it; however, living near the water, I was much in and about it, learnt early to swim well, and to manage boats; and when in a boat or canoe with other boys, I was commonly allowed to govern, especially in any case of difficulty; and upon other occasions I was generally a leader among the boys, and sometimes led them into scrapes, of which I will mention one instance, as it shows an early projecting public spirit, tho' not then justly conducted.

There was a salt-marsh that bounded part of the mill-pond, on the edge of which, at high water, we used to stand to fish for minnows. By much trampling, we had made it a mere quagmire. My proposal was to build a wharff there fit for us to stand upon, and I showed my comrades a large heap of stones, which were intended for a new house near the marsh, and which would very well suit our purpose. Accordingly, in the evening, when the workmen were gone, I assembled a number of my play-fellows, and working with them diligently like so many emmets, sometimes two or three to a stone, we brought them all away and built our little wharff. The next morning the workmen were surprised at missing the stones, which were found in our wharff. Inquiry was made after the removers; we were discovered and complained of; several of us were corrected by our fathers; and though I pleaded the usefulness of the work, mine convinced me that nothing was useful which was not honest.

我不喜欢这一行，反而很想去航海，可父亲却明确反对。不过，由于住在沿海一带，我常去海边和水中玩耍，很早就学会了游泳，游得还很好，也学会了划船。我和其他男孩在船上或独木舟上时，他们一般都让我来当头儿，尤其是遇到困难时。在其他时候我一般也是同伴中的头儿，尽管有时我也会把大家带入窘境。我来举一个例子吧，从中可以看出我很早就具有突出的公益精神！只是当时用错了地方。

磨房的贮水池旁边有一片盐沼地，水位升高时，我们常常站在旁边钓米诺鱼。因为过度踩踏，这儿已经被我们弄成一片泥地了。于是我提议修一个码头，好让我们站在上面，还把一大堆石块指给同伴们看，那本是人家要用来在沼泽边建新房子的，但非常符合我们的需要。于是，等晚上工匠们离开后，我召集了许多同伴，像蚂蚁一样努力工作起来，有时两三个人搬一块石头，直到全部搬完，建起了我们的小码头。第二天早上，工匠们发现石块不见了，大吃一惊，后来发现石块已被我们用来建了码头。经过一番调查，发现我们就是搬走石头的人，就向我们各自家里告状，有几个同伴被自己父亲教训了一顿；尽管我向父亲辩解我们建的码头很有用，但他告诉我说，如果不诚实，什么都没有用。

I think you may like to know something of his person and character. He had an excellent constitution of body, was of middle stature, but well set, and very strong; he was ingenious, could draw prettily, was skilled a little in music, and had a clear pleasing voice, so that when he played psalm tunes on his violin and sung withal, as he sometimes did in an evening after the business of the day was over, it was extremely agreeable to hear. He had a mechanical genius too, and, on occasion, was very handy in the use of other tradesmen's tools; but his great excellence lay in a sound understanding and solid judgment in prudential matters, both in private and publick affairs. In the latter, indeed, he was never employed, the numerous family he had to educate and the straitness of his circumstances keeping him close to his trade; but I remember well his being frequently visited by leading people, who consulted him for his opinion in affairs of the town or of the church he belonged to, and showed a good deal of respect for his judgment and advice: he was also much consulted by private persons about their affairs when any difficulty occurred, and frequently chosen an arbitrator between contending parties.

At his table he liked to have, as often as he could, some sensible friend or neighbor to converse with, and always took care to start some ingenious or useful topic for discourse, which might tend to improve the minds of his children. By this means he turned our attention to what was good, just, and prudent in the conduct of life; and little or no notice was ever taken of what related to the victuals on the table, whether it was well or ill dressed, in or out of season, of good or bad flavor, preferable or inferior to this or that other thing of the kind, so that I was bro't up in such a perfect inattention to those matters as to be quite indifferent what kind of food was set before me, and so unobservant of it, that to this day if I am asked I can scarce tell a few hours after dinner what I dined upon. This has been a convenience to me in travelling, where my companions have been sometimes very unhappy for want of a suitable gratification of their more delicate, because better instructed, tastes and appetites.

我想你可能希望了解我父亲的为人和个性。他身板很好，中等身材，体格健壮；天资聪颖，擅长绘画，也稍通音乐，声音清朗动听，因此有的晚上，他会在忙完一天的工作后，拉起小提琴，唱起圣歌，十分悦耳动听。他也是机械方面的好手，有时使用其他工匠的工具也非常得心应手；但他最杰出的才能还在于处理公私事务中的重大问题时那种良好的理解力和可靠的判断力。的确，从没有人正式聘用他去参与公共事务，由于家里众多子女需要教育，经济又困难，因此他只能围着自己的生意转。但我记得很清楚，当时经常有头面人物拜访他，向他请教镇上或是本教区的公共事务，且他们对他的判断和建议都表现出十分的尊重；也经常有人在私事上遇到困难时向父亲咨询，他还经常被选作某事争议双方的仲裁人。

他常常喜欢请些明练通达的朋友或邻居一起围坐在餐桌旁聊天，而且总是有意谈些睿智或是有用的话题，以提高孩子们的心智。通过这样的方法，他将我们的注意力转向行为操守中善良、正直、谨慎的品德，而很少或完全不去留意餐桌上的食物，不管它们烹调得好不好、合不合时令、味道如何、与同类的其他食物相比有何优劣，因此我从小便受教导对眼前摆放的是何食物这些事情一向不十分在意，也不去观察；所以到了现在，即使刚吃完饭几个小时，要是有人问我刚吃了什么，我很少能答得上来。这让我在旅途中倒挺方便，而我的同伴们有时会因为没法满足自幼养成的更为精细的味觉和挑剔的胃口而十分不悦。

My mother had likewise an excellent constitution: she suckled all her ten children. I never knew either my father or mother to have any sickness but that of which they dy'd, he at 89, and she at 85 years of age. They lie buried together at Boston, where I some years since placed a marble over their grave, with this inscription:

JOSIAH FRANKLIN,
and

ABIAH his Wife,
lie here interred.

They lived lovingly together in wedlock
fifty-five years.

Without an estate, or any gainful employment,

By constant labor and industry,
with God's blessing,

They maintained a large family
comfortably,
and brought up thirteen children
and seven grandchildren
reputably.

From this instance, reader,

Be encouraged to diligence in thy calling,

And distrust not Providence.

He was a pious and prudent man;

She, a discreet and virtuous woman.

Their youngest son,

In filial regard to their memory,

Places this stone.

J. F. born 1655, died 1744, AEtat 89.

A. F. born 1667, died 1752, — 85.

By my rambling digressions I perceive myself to be grown old. I us'd to write more methodically. But one does not dress for private company as for a public ball. 'Tis perhaps only negligence.

我母亲也同样有着很好的体格：她哺育了自己的10个孩子。父亲于89岁、母亲于85岁时因病去世，在此之前我从没见过他们生病。父母去世后合葬在波士顿，几年前，我在他们的墓前立了一块大理石石碑，上面刻着这样的碑文：

乔赛亚·富兰克林

和

他的妻子艾比亚·富兰克林

合葬于此。

他们婚后相亲相爱共同生活了

55年。

他们没有田产，没有收入可观的职业，

但凭着不懈的劳动和勤勉，

还有上帝的祝福，

养育了一个大家庭，

平安幸福，

养大了13个儿女

和7个孙子

孙女，

声誉卓著。

看到这块墓碑的人啊，

希望受此激励，

勤勉劳作，勿疑上帝。

他是虔诚而审慎的男子，她是谨慎而贤淑的女子。

他们的幼子，

心存孝心，追忆双亲，

特立此碑。

乔赛亚·富兰克林，生于1655年，卒于1744年，享年89岁。

艾比亚·富兰克林，生于1667年，卒于1752年，享年85岁。

我又不知不觉跑题了，由此看来自己真是老了，我以前写作要更有条理些。但是就像一个人不会为参加私人聚会而身着盛装，好似出席舞会，这也许只是疏忽罢了。

To return: I continued thus employed in my father's business for two years, that is, till I was twelve years old; and my brother John, who was bred to that business, having left my father, married, and set up for himself at Rhode Island, there was all appearance that I was destined to supply his place, and become a tallow-chandler. But my dislike to the trade continuing, my father was under apprehensions that if he did not find one for me more agreeable, I should break away and get to sea, as his son Josiah had done, to his great vexation. He therefore sometimes took me to walk with him, and see joiners, bricklayers, turners, braziers, etc., at their work, that he might observe my inclination, and endeavor to fix it on some trade or other on land. It has ever since been a pleasure to me to see good workmen handle their tools; and it has been useful to me, having learnt so much by it as to be able to do little jobs myself in my house when a workman could not readily be got, and to construct little machines for my experiments, while the intention of making the experiment was fresh and warm in my mind. My father at last fixed upon the cutler's trade, and my uncle Benjamin's son Samuel, who was bred to that business in London, being about that time established in Boston, I was sent to be with him some time on liking. But his expectations of a fee with me displeasing my father, I was taken home again.

From a child I was fond of reading, and all the little money that came into my hands was ever laid out in books. Pleased with the Pilgrim's Progress, my first collection was of John Bunyan's[4] works in separate little volumes. I afterward sold them to enable me to buy R. Burton's[5] Historical Collections; they were small chapmen's books, and cheap, 40 or 50 in all. My father's little library consisted chiefly of books in polemic divinity, most of which I read, and have since often regretted that, at a time when I had such a thirst for knowledge, more proper books had not fallen in my way since it was now resolved I should not be a clergyman. Plutarch's[6] Lives there was in which I read abundantly, and I still think that time spent to great advantage. There was also a book of Defoe's[7], called An Essay on Projects, and another of Dr. Mather's[8], called Essays to do Good, which perhaps gave me a turn of thinking that had an influence on some of the principal future events of my life.

言归正传：我在父亲那儿干了两年，直到我12岁；我的哥哥约翰本是学做油烛和肥皂的，他此时已经离开父亲，娶了妻，并在罗得岛立了脚，这样看来我注定是要子承父业成为一名油烛匠了。但我仍然不喜欢这一行，父亲很担心，怕如果找不到我喜欢的工作，我就要像他的儿子乔赛亚一样离家去航海了，这让他很烦恼。因此他有时会让我和他一块儿去散步，带我去看木匠、砖匠、车工、铜匠等人的工作，以便观察我的喜好，努力想把我的兴趣固定在陆地上的某个行业里。自那以后，看手艺灵巧的工匠们操持工具对我来说是种乐趣，而且也很有用，我从中学到许多，以致后来家中一时找不到工匠时，零星小活我自己也能干些，而且在我做实验的兴致颇高时，我还能为我的实验制造些小机器。父亲最终决定让我当一名刀匠，本杰明伯父的儿子塞缪尔曾在伦敦学这行，当时他已在波士顿独立门户，我被送去给他当了一阵子学徒，试试看是否喜欢。但是他希望我掏钱付学徒费，这让父亲很不高兴，于是又把我带回了家。

从孩提时代起我就喜欢看书，我所有的那点儿零用钱都花在了书本上。我喜爱《天路历程》，我买的第一套书籍就是约翰·班扬的作品，都是单独发行的小文集。后来我把它们卖了，用卖得的钱又买了伯顿的《历史记录》，我是从小贩那儿买的，很便宜，总共有四五十册。我父亲的小书屋里收藏的主要是关于神学论辩的书，大多我都读过，我后来常常觉得遗憾，在我对知识如饥似渴、孜孜以求的时候，没能读到更多合适的书，因为那时已经确定我不会成为牧师了。我读了普卢塔克的《希腊罗马名人比较列传》，读得很仔细，直到现在也依然觉得花在此书上的时间非常值得。还有一本笛福的书，名叫《论计划》，以及一本马瑟博士的《论行善》，这些书也许让我的思想有了转变，对我后来人生中的某些重要事件产生了影响。

This bookish inclination at length determined my father to make me a printer, though he had already one son (James) of that profession. In 1717 my brother James returned from England with a press and letters to set up his business in Boston. I liked it much better than that of my father, but still had a hankering for the sea. To prevent the apprehended effect of such an inclination, my father was impatient to have me bound to my brother. I stood out some time, but at last was persuaded, and signed the indentures when I was yet but twelve years old. I was to serve as an apprentice till I was twenty-one years of age, only I was to be allowed journeyman's wages during the last year. In a little time I made great proficiency in the business, and became a useful hand to my brother. I now had access to better books. An acquaintance with the apprentices of booksellers enabled me sometimes to borrow a small one, which I was careful to return soon and clean. Often I sat up in my room reading the greatest part of the night, when the book was borrowed in the evening and to be returned early in the morning, lest it should be missed or wanted.

And after some time an ingenious tradesman, Mr. Matthew Adams, who had a pretty collection of books, and who frequented our printing-house, took notice of me, invited me to his library, and very kindly lent me such books as I chose to read. I now took a fancy to poetry, and made some little pieces; my brother, thinking it might turn to account, encouraged me, and put me on composing occasional ballads. One was called The Lighthouse Tragedy, and contained an account of the drowning of Captain Worthilake, with his two daughters: the other was a sailor's song, on the taking of Teach (or Blackbeard) the pirate. They were wretched stuff, in the Grub-street-ballad style; and when they were printed he sent me about the town to sell them. The first sold wonderfully, the event being recent, having made a great noise. This flattered my vanity; but my father discouraged me by ridiculing my performances, and telling me verse-makers were generally beggars. So I escaped being a poet, most probably a very bad one; but as prose writing had been of great use to me in the course of my life, and was a principal means of my advancement, I shall tell you how, in such a situation, I acquired what little ability I have in that way.

我对读书的热爱最终使我父亲决定让我当一名印刷工，尽管他已经有个儿子在干这一行了（詹姆斯）。1717年，我哥哥詹姆斯从英国回来，带回了一台印刷机和一套铅字，打算在波士顿创立自己的生意。比起我父亲那一行来，我对印刷业要喜欢得多，但我还是渴望去航海。为了避免这种渴望带来令人忧虑的后果，我父亲迫不及待地想把我拴在哥哥那里。我反对了一段时间，但最终还是同意了，签了学徒契约，当时我还只有12岁。我当学徒一直要当到21岁，只有学徒期的最后一年才能拿熟练工的工资。我很快就熟悉了印刷工的工作，成了哥哥的得力助手。现在我可以读到更好的书了。我认识了书店老板的学徒，有时能从他们那儿借本小书，每次我都很小心，要很快归还，还要保持书面整洁。如果书是在晚上借到，第二天一早就要归还，那么常常大半个晚上我都会在房间里读书，怕人家发现丢了书或是有人要买。

过了些时日，一位藏书丰富的精明商人马修·亚当斯先生经常光顾我们的印刷店，他注意到了我，邀我去他的图书室，还非常好心地把我想读的书借给我。当时我迷上了诗歌，也写了几首小诗。我哥哥认为写诗或许有用，于是鼓励我，让我写几首应景叙事诗。我写了一首，叫做《灯塔的悲剧》，讲述沃斯雷克船长和他的两个女儿溺亡的故事，另一首是水手之歌，讲述水手擒获海盗蒂奇（又叫黑胡子）的故事。这两首诗写得很差劲，都是低俗的街头风格，哥哥把它们印出来后，让我去镇上卖。第一首诗卖得很不错，因为那一事件刚发生不久，也很轰动。这满足了我的虚荣心，但父亲却打击我，嘲笑我的诗作，还告诫我说写诗的人通常都穷得叮当响。因此我没有成为诗人，即使成了，也很可能只是三流诗人，但是散文写作却在我的人生历程中大为有用，也是我取得进步的主要方法，我要告诉你，在这种情况下，我是怎样获得我在这方面的一点小小才能的。

There was another bookish lad in the town, John Collins by name, with whom I was intimately acquainted. We sometimes disputed, and very fond we were of argument, and very desirous of confuting one another, which disputatious turn, by the way, is apt to become a very bad habit, making people often extremely disagreeable in company by the contradiction that is necessary to bring it into practice; and thence, besides souring and spoiling the conversation, is productive of disgusts and, perhaps enmities where you may have occasion for friendship. I had caught it by reading my father's books of dispute about religion. Persons of good sense, I have since observed, seldom fall into it, except lawyers, university men, and men of all sorts that have been bred at Edinborough.

A question was once, somehow or other, started between Collins and me, of the propriety of educating the female sex in learning, and their abilities for study. He was of opinion that it was improper, and that they were naturally unequal to it. I took the contrary side, perhaps a little for dispute's sake. He was naturally more eloquent, had a ready plenty of words; and sometimes, as I thought, bore me down more by his fluency than by the strength of his reasons. As we parted without settling the point, and were not to see one another again for some time, I sat down to put my arguments in writing, which I copied fair and sent to him. He answered, and I replied. Three or four letters of a side had passed, when my father happened to find my papers and read them. Without entering into the discussion, he took occasion to talk to me about the manner of my writing; observed that, though I had the advantage of my antagonist in correct spelling and pointing (which I ow'd to the printing-house), I fell far short in elegance of expression, in method and in perspicuity, of which he convinced me by several instances. I saw the justice of his remark, and thence grew more attentive to the manner in writing, and determined to endeavor at improvement.

镇上还有个小伙子也爱读书，叫约翰·柯林斯，我和他关系很好。我们有时会发生争论，且深得其乐，都很想驳倒对方。顺便说一句，争辩这种嗜好容易成为一个坏毛病，要争辩，人们就必须提出反驳意见，这常常会让其他人非常不悦。因此，争辩除了破坏谈话气氛以外，还让人心生厌恶，或许还让原本可能产生的友谊化作了敌意。我是从父亲那些讲述宗教论辩的书中学会争辩的。后来我发现，除了律师、大学里的人，还有在爱丁堡长大的形形色色的人之外，智者很少与人争辩。

不知何故，有一次我和柯林斯讨论起女性接受教育是否合适以及她们的学习能力的问题。他认为女性接受教育是不适宜的，她们天生缺乏学习能力。我的意见则恰恰相反，也许有些刻意为了争辩而争辩吧。他天生口才比我要好，现成的词汇丰富，有时我想，他之所以更胜一筹，更多是因为他表达流利，而非其论证强而有力。我们分开时还没有就这个问题达成一致，而且将有一段时间见不了面，于是我坐下来写下我的观点，工工整整地抄好寄给他。他回了信，我又提笔答复，双方各写了三四封的时候，我父亲偶然发现了我的信，读了起来。他没有参与我们的讨论，只是借机和我谈了谈我的写作风格。他评论道，尽管在单词拼写和标点方面我要比我的对手更胜一筹（这得益于印刷店的工作），但在措词的文雅程度、论述方法和条理清晰方面，我都远不如他，父亲还举了几个例子向我证明。我意识到他说得很公正，从那以后特别注意写作风格，决心努力改进。

About this time I met with an odd volume of the Spectator. It was the third. I had never before seen any of them. I bought it, read it over and over, and was much delighted with it. I thought the writing excellent, and wished, if possible, to imitate it. With this view I took some of the papers, and, making short hints of the sentiment in each sentence, laid them by a few days, and then, without looking at the book, try'd to compleat the papers again, by expressing each hinted sentiment at length, and as fully as it had been expressed before, in any suitable words that should come to hand. Then I compared my Spectator with the original, discovered some of my faults, and corrected them. But I found I wanted a stock of words, or a readiness in recollecting and using them, which I thought I should have acquired before that time if I had gone on making verses; since the continual occasion for words of the same import, but of different length, to suit the measure, or of different sound for the rhyme, would have laid me under a constant necessity of searching for variety, and also have tended to fix that variety in my mind, and make me master of it. Therefore I took some of the tales and turned them into verse; and, after a time, when I had pretty well forgotten the prose, turned them back again. I also sometimes jumbled my collections of hints into confusion, and after some weeks endeavored to reduce them into the best order, before I began to form the full sentences and compleat the paper. This was to teach me method in the arrangement of thoughts. By comparing my work afterwards with the original, I discovered many faults and amended them; but I sometimes had the pleasure of fancying that, in certain particulars of small import, I had been lucky enough to improve the method or the language, and this encouraged me to think I might possibly in time come to be a tolerable English writer, of which I was extremely ambitious. My time for these exercises and for reading was at night, after work or before it began in the morning, or on Sundays, when I contrived to be in the printing-house alone, evading as much as I could the common attendance on public worship which my father used to exact on me when I was under his care, and which indeed I still thought a duty, though I could not, as it seemed to me, afford time to practise it.

大约就在这时，我看到一本单册的《旁观者》杂志，是第三期。以前我从未读过这本杂志。我买下它，反复阅读，非常喜欢。我觉得它的文笔很好，可能的话想要模仿它。抱着这种想法，我挑了其中一些文章，对文中每句话的观点作了些简短概括当作提示，然后把它们放在一边。几天后，我试着不看原文，用所能想到的合适字词把概括之后的文章观点详尽地表达出来，尽可能和原来一样完整，使之成文。然后我把我写的《旁观者》与原文进行对照，发现了自己的几处错误，便进行改正。但我发现自己词汇贫乏，或者说不能及时想起它们并加以运用，我想如果当初我继续写诗的话，我应该早就会用那些词了。因为写诗时总要搜寻同义但长度不同的单词以符合诗的音步，或是同义但读音不同的单词以配合诗的韵律，这会让我时时需要搜寻各种不同的单词，并使它们嵌入我的脑海，做到可以信手拈来。于是我将其中一些故事改写成诗歌，过了一段时间，当我把原文忘得差不多的时候，我又把它们改写回去。有时我会把记下的文章概要打乱，几个星期后又努力把它们编排出最合适的次序，然后再将它们扩充成完整的句子与文章。这种做法旨在教会我整理思绪的方法。随后，通过将自己的文章与原文比较，我发现了自己的许多错误，并进行了修改；但有时我也喜欢幻想在某些次要的细节上，我十分有幸改进了原文的论述方法或是语言，这鼓励了我，认为自己将来或许也能成为一位还不赖的英语作家，我对此抱有极大的雄心。我做这些练习及读书都是在夜里工作结束之后或是早上开工之前，或者是在周日，周日我总是争取单独呆在印刷店，尽力避免那些大家都出席的公共礼拜。在我还由父亲照顾时他总是一定要我参加，确实我仍然认为参加礼拜是应尽的义务，尽管在我看来我实在没有时间去实践这个义务。

When about 16 years of age I happened to meet with a book, written by one Tryon, recommending a vegetable diet. I determined to go into it. My brother, being yet unmarried, did not keep house, but boarded himself and his apprentices in another family. My refusing to eat flesh occasioned an inconveniency, and I was frequently chid for my singularity. I made myself acquainted with Tryon's manner of preparing some of his dishes, such as boiling potatoes or rice, making hasty pudding, and a few others, and then proposed to my brother, that if he would give me, weekly, half the money he paid for my board, I would board myself. He instantly agreed to it, and I presently found that I could save half what he paid me. This was an additional fund for buying books. But I had another advantage in it. My brother and the rest going from the printing-house to their meals, I remained there alone, and, despatching presently my light repast, which often was no more than a bisket or a slice of bread, a handful of raisins or a tart from the pastry-cook's, and a glass of water, had the rest of the time till their return for study, in which I made the greater progress, from that greater clearness of head and quicker apprehension which usually attend temperance in eating and drinking.

And now it was that, being on some occasion made asham'd of my ignorance in figures, which I had twice failed in learning when at school, I took Cocker's[9] book of Arithmetick, and went through the whole by myself with great ease. I also read Seller's and Shermy's books of Navigation, and became acquainted with the little geometry they contain; but never proceeded far in that science. And I read about this time Locke[10] On Human Understanding, and the Art of Thinking, by Messrs. du Port Royal.

大概16岁那年我偶然看到一本书，作者是个叫特赖恩的人，介绍素食饮食。我决定仔细阅读此书。哥哥当时尚未娶妻，自己也不操持家务，他和学徒们食宿都在别人家里。我不吃荤腥给他们带来了不便，也常常因这种特立独行遭到责备。我自学了特赖恩的一些烹饪方法，比如煮土豆、煮饭、制作速食布丁以及一些其他菜式，然后向哥哥提出，如果他每周把我食宿费的一半给我，我可以自己开伙。他立即同意了，而我发现我还能从他给我的钱中省下一半，于是这些钱便成了我买书的额外基金。但我从中还得到了另一个好处。哥哥和其他人离开印刷店去吃饭时，我可以单独留在那里，迅速吃完自己清淡的一餐，常常只是一块饼干或者一片面包，一把葡萄干或者从糕点店买来的一块馅饼，还有一杯白开水。在他们回来之前，余下的时间里我都在学习，因为饮食清淡节制，头脑更加清醒，理解力也增强，因此进步也比以前大了。

我在学校时算术这科曾经两次不及格，后来又因某事羞愧于自己在数字方面的无知，于是我拿起柯克的《算术》，轻松地从头至尾自学了一遍。我还读了塞拉和舍米合著的《航海学》，对其中包含的浅显的几何学知识也有了了解，但我后来再未深入学习这门科学。我那时还读了洛克的《人类悟性论》和波尔罗亚尔隐修院修士的《思维的艺术》。

While I was intent on improving my language, I met with an English grammar (I think it was Greenwood's), at the end of which there were two little sketches of the arts of rhetoric and logic, the latter finishing with a specimen of a dispute in the Socratic method; and soon after I procur'd Xenophon's[11] Memorable Things of Socrates, wherein there are many instances of the same method. I was charm'd with it, adopted it, dropt my abrupt contradiction and positive argumentation, and put on the humble inquirer and doubter. And being then, from reading Shaftesbury and Collins, become a real doubter in many points of our religious doctrine, I found this method safest for myself and very embarrassing to those against whom I used it; therefore I took a delight in it, practis'd it continually, and grew very artful and expert in drawing people, even of superior knowledge, into concessions, the consequences of which they did not foresee, entangling them in difficulties out of which they could not extricate themselves, and so obtaining victories that neither myself nor my cause always deserved. I continu'd this method some few years, but gradually left it, retaining only the habit of expressing myself in terms of modest diffidence; never using, when I advanced anything that may possibly be disputed, the words certainly, undoubtedly, or any others that give the air of positiveness to an opinion; but rather say, I conceive or apprehend a thing to be so and so; it appears to me, or I should think it so or so, for such and such reasons; or I imagine it to be so; or it is so, if I am not mistaken. This habit, I believe, has been of great advantage to me when I have had occasion to inculcate my opinions, and persuade men into measures that I have been from time to time engag'd in promoting; and, as the chief ends of conversation are to inform or to be informed, to please or to persuade, I wish well-meaning, sensible men would not lessen their power of doing good by a positive, assuming manner, that seldom fails to disgust, tends to create opposition, and to defeat every one of those purposes for which speech was given to us, to wit, giving or receiving information or pleasure. For, if you would inform, a positive and dogmatical manner in advancing your sentiments may provoke contradiction and prevent a candid attention. If you wish information and improvement from the knowledge of others, and yet at the same time express yourself as firmly fix'd in your present opinions, modest, sensible men, who do not love disputation, will probably leave you undisturbed in the possession of your error. And by such a manner, you can seldom hope to recommend yourself in pleasing your hearers, or to persuade those whose concurrence you desire. Pope[12] says, judiciously:

"Men should be taught as if you taught them not,

And things unknown propos'd as things forgot;"

farther recommending to us

"To speak, tho' sure, with seeming diffidence."

And he might have coupled with this line that which he has coupled with another, I think, less properly,

"For want of modesty is want of sense."

If you ask, Why less properly? I must repeat the lines,

"Immodest words admit of no defense,

For want of modesty is want of sense."

Now, is not want of sense (where a man is so unfortunate as to want it) some apology for his want of modesty? and would not the lines stand more justly thus?

"Immodest words admit but this defense,

That want of modesty is want of sense."

This, however, I should submit to better judgments.

当我一心要提高自己的语言水平时，我偶然得到一本英语语法书（我想那是格林伍德写的），书末有两篇对修辞学和逻辑学的简略介绍，逻辑学那篇以苏格拉底式的论辩实例结尾。不久之后我又得到了色诺芬的《回忆苏格拉底》这本书，其中有许多使用同种方法的例子。我为之深深着迷，于是采用它，放弃了自己突兀的驳论和独断的论证，而是谦卑地提问和质疑。后来我又读了沙夫茨伯里和柯林斯的书，开始真正质疑我们宗教学说中的许多观点。我觉得这种方法对我而言最有把握，运用时使我的对手非常犯难，因此我十分高兴，便不断练习和运用，逐渐变得十分在行和熟练，致使即使知识比我渊博的人也作出让步，他们又预料不到这种让步的后果如何，因此陷入自己无法解脱的困境里，我就这样取得论辩的胜利，尽管这胜利是我和我的论辩主张并不应得的。这种方法我用了几年，后来渐渐不用了，只保留了在陈述观点时保持谦虚态度的习惯。在提出任何可能有争议的问题时，我从不使用“当然”、“毫无疑问”或其他类似表达肯定语气的字眼；而会说，“我以为或按我的理解，这个问题是这样的”，“在我看来好像是或者我想应该是如何如何的，因为什么什么原因”，或者“我想象它是这样的”，或者“如果我没弄错的话，它是这样的”等。我认为在我要使他人接受我的观点，劝服他人采取我时常提倡的措施时，这个习惯于我大有裨益。因为谈话的主要目的是告知或获得信息、取悦或劝服他人，所以我希望，善意明智的人们不要因自己独断不逊的语气而削弱自己行善的能力，这种语气常常令人反感，引起对立，使上述谈话的目的，即思辨、交流信息、相互打趣都流于失败。因为如果你想传递信息，提出观点时绝对、武断的态度可能会引起他人的反对，因而得不到应有的注意力；如果你希望从他人的知识中获得信息并改进自己，但同时又执囿于自己的观点，那么谦虚明智的人因为不爱争辩，很可能让你死守自己的错误。同样地，持这样的态度，你也不太可能取悦你的听众，或说服他人接受你的意见。蒲柏说得很有见地：

“要想教人，则不应摆出教人的姿态；

要想告知未知之事，最好将其当成遗忘之事来告知。”

他进一步建议我们说：

“尽管深信不疑，说话时也要有谦虚的姿态。”

蒲柏此处可能想用下面这句对刚才那句，但最终却对了另一句，我认为，对得不太合适：

“因为缺乏谦逊，就是缺乏理智。”

如果你问，为什么对得不太合适呢？我只好重复原诗了：

“既然口出狂言，也就不容辩解；

因为缺乏谦逊就是缺乏理智。”

你看，“缺乏理智”（人缺乏理智可真不幸）不正是对“缺乏谦逊”的辩解吗？这样下面两句不是更恰当吗？

“既然口出狂言，只有此种辩解，

即为缺乏谦逊就是缺乏理智。”

但这样到底是否更好，只有留待高明之士判断了。

My brother had, in 1720 or 1721, begun to print a newspaper. It was the second that appeared in America, and was called the New England Courant. The only one before it was the Boston News-Letter. I remember his being dissuaded by some of his friends from the undertaking, as not likely to succeed, one newspaper being, in their judgment, enough for America. At this time (1771) there are not less than five-and-twenty. He went on, however, with the undertaking, and after having worked in composing the types and printing off the sheets, I was employed to carry the papers thro' the streets to the customers.

He had some ingenious men among his friends, who amus'd themselves by writing little pieces for this paper, which gain'd it credit and made it more in demand, and these gentlemen often visited us. Hearing their conversations, and their accounts of the approbation their papers were received with, I was excited to try my hand among them; but, being still a boy, and suspecting that my brother would object to printing anything of mine in his paper if he knew it to be mine, I contrived to disguise my hand, and, writing an anonymous paper, I put it in at night under the door of the printing-house. It was found in the morning, and communicated to his writing friends when they call'd in as usual. They read it, commented on it in my hearing, and I had the exquisite pleasure of finding it met with their approbation, and that, in their different guesses at the author, none were named but men of some character among us for learning and ingenuity. I suppose now that I was rather lucky in my judges, and that perhaps they were not really so very good ones as I then esteem'd them.

1720年或1721年，我哥哥开始出版报纸。那是美洲出现的第二份报纸，名叫《新英格兰报》。在它之前的那一份叫做《波士顿通讯》。我记得他的一些朋友认为办报纸很可能不会成功，曾劝他放弃，在他们看来美洲有一份报纸就够了，而现在（1771年），这里发行的报纸已经不下25份。但当时我哥哥还是办了下去，报纸排好版面并印刷好后，他就差我上街把报纸送到订户家里。

哥哥的朋友中有些睿智、机敏的人，他们给报纸写些小短文，以资消遣，这提高了报纸的声誉，销量也增加了。这些朋友常常来拜访我们，听了他们的谈话，听到他们说报纸受到欢迎后，我非常兴奋，跃跃欲试想要投稿。但我那时还是个孩子，担心哥哥如果知道是我写的文章，不会同意在报上发表，于是我努力掩饰自己的笔迹，写了一篇匿名文章，夜里把它塞在印刷店的门下。第二天早上，有人发现了这篇文章，并在哥哥那些写文章的朋友照例拜访时交给了他们。他们读了文章，并对它作了点评，当时我也在场。他们对文章作了充分肯定，还纷纷猜测文章的作者是谁，提到的都是一些我们之中颇有学识和智慧的杰出人物，听到这些，我别提有多高兴了。现在想起来，我觉得当时能听到他们评价我的文章是相当幸运的，也许他们也不像我当时所想的那样眼力高明。

Encourag'd, however, by this, I wrote and convey'd in the same way to the press several more papers which were equally approv'd; and I kept my secret till my small fund of sense for such performances was pretty well exhausted and then I discovered[13] it, when I began to be considered a little more by my brother's acquaintance, and in a manner that did not quite please him, as he thought, probably with reason, that it tended to make me too vain. And, perhaps, this might be one occasion of the differences that we began to have about this time. Though a brother, he considered himself as my master, and me as his apprentice, and accordingly, expected the same services from me as he would from another, while I thought he demean'd me too much in some he requir'd of me, who from a brother expected more indulgence. Our disputes were often brought before our father, and I fancy I was either generally in the right, or else a better pleader, because the judgment was generally in my favor. But my brother was passionate, and had often beaten me, which I took extremely amiss; and, thinking my apprenticeship very tedious, I was continually wishing for some opportunity of shortening it, which at length offered in a manner unexpected. (I fancy his harsh and tyrannical treatment of me might be a means of impressing me with that aversion to arbitrary power that has stuck to me through my whole life.)

One of the pieces in our newspaper on some political point, which I have now forgotten, gave offense to the Assembly. He was taken up, censur'd, and imprison'd for a month, by the speaker's warrant, I suppose, because he would not discover his author. I too was taken up and examin'd before the council; but, tho' I did not give them any satisfaction, they content'd themselves with admonishing me, and dismissed me, considering me, perhaps, as an apprentice, who was bound to keep his master's secrets.

During my brother's confinement, which I resented a good deal, notwithstanding our private differences, I had the management of the paper; and I made bold to give our rulers some rubs in it, which my brother took very kindly, while others began to consider me in an unfavorable light, as a young genius that had a turn for libelling and satyr. My brother's discharge was accompany'd with an order of the House (a very odd one), that "James Franklin should no longer print the paper called the New England Courant."

但我从中得到了很大鼓励，又写了几篇文章，并以同样方法向报纸投稿，都获得了好评。我一直保守着这个秘密，直到自己写文章的那点有限的才华行将枯竭时才公布自己的名字，于是我哥哥的朋友开始对我稍加留意了。这让我哥哥不太高兴，他觉得这会让我骄傲自满，也许他也是有道理的吧。大概从这时起我们之间有了分歧，可能这件事也是起因之一。尽管他是我哥哥，但他把自己看成我的主人，而我是他的学徒，因此他期望我也像其他学徒一样为他尽力，而我却觉得他要求我做的某些事情过于贬低了我的身份，从兄弟的角度来说我期待更多的宽待。我们之间的争吵常常交由父亲裁决，我想也许我一般都在理，或者我比哥哥更善于求情，父亲的裁决总是对我有利。但哥哥脾气急躁，常常打我，这让我非常生气。另外，我觉得学徒生活冗长，令人生厌，常常希望有机会能将它缩短，终于，这样的机会出人意料地来了。（我认为，他对我的严苛与专横可能是使我终生厌恶专制权力的原因之一。）

我们报纸上登的一篇表达某种政治观点的文章冒犯了州议会，具体是何观点我现在已经忘了。议长一纸命令，哥哥被抓起来接受责罚，入狱一个月，我想也许这是因为他不肯透露文章作者的姓名吧。我也被他们抓了去，还在会议上接受审讯，但我的回答没让他们满意，他们仅仅教训了我一番，就放我走了，也许 他们认为我作为一名学徒，为主人保守秘密是理所应当的吧。

尽管我和哥哥私下里有分歧，但他被关押一事还是让我非常愤慨，在这期间，我掌管了报社。我在报纸上大胆批评当权者，这些文章受到哥哥的喜爱，但其他人对我的印象却开始转坏，认为我这样一个有些才华的年轻人变得喜欢诽谤讥讽。哥哥被释放了，但议会同时下了这样一道命令（非常奇怪的命令）：“詹姆斯·富兰克林不得继续出版名叫《新英格兰报》的报纸。”

There was a consultation held in our printing-house among his friends, what he should do in this case. Some proposed to evade the order by changing the name of the paper; but my brother, seeing inconveniences in that, it was finally concluded on as a better way, to let it be printed for the future under the name of BENJAMIN FRANKLIN; and to avoid the censure of the Assembly, that might fall on him as still printing it by his apprentice, the contrivance was that my old indenture should be return'd to me, with a full discharge on the back of it, to be shown on occasion, but to secure to him the benefit of my service, I was to sign new indentures for the remainder of the term, which were to be kept private. A very flimsy scheme it was; however, it was immediately executed, and the paper went on accordingly, under my name for several months.

At length, a fresh difference arising between my brother and me, I took upon me to assert my freedom, presuming that he would not venture to produce the new indentures. It was not fair in me to take this advantage, and this I therefore reckon one of the first errata of my life; but the unfairness of it weighed little with me, when under the impressions of resentment for the blows his passion too often urged him to bestow upon me, though he was otherwise not an ill-natur'd man: perhaps I was too saucy and provoking.

When he found I would leave him, he took care to prevent my getting employment in any other printing-house of the town, by going round and speaking to every master, who accordingly refus'd to give me work. I then thought of going to New York, as the nearest place where there was a printer; and I was rather inclin'd to leave Boston when I reflected that I had already made myself a little obnoxious to the governing party, and, from the arbitrary proceedings of the Assembly in my brother's case, it was likely I might, if I stay'd, soon bring myself into scrapes; and farther, that my indiscrete disputations about religion began to make me pointed at with horror by good people as an infidel or atheist. I determin'd on the point, but my father now siding with my brother, I was sensible that, if I attempted to go openly, means would be used to prevent me. My friend Collins, therefore, undertook to manage a little for me. He agreed with the captain of a New York sloop for my passage, under the notion of my being a young acquaintance of his, that had got a naughty girl with child, whose friends would compel me to marry her, and therefore I could not appear or come away publicly. So I sold some of my books to raise a little money, was taken on board privately, and as we had a fair wind, in three days I found myself in New York, near 300 miles from home, a boy of but 17, without the least recommendation to, or knowledge of any person in the place, and with very little money in my pocket.

哥哥和几个朋友在我们的印刷店开了个会，商量这种情况下他该怎么办。有人提议更改报纸名称来规避议会命令，但哥哥认为这样做会带来诸多不便，最终决定采用一个更好的办法，那就是今后以本杰明·富兰克林的名义继续发行报纸。为避免因学徒仍在出版这份报纸而受到议会责难，哥哥想了这样一个办法，那就是把我以前的学徒契约归还给我，并在背面写明雇佣关系完全解除，需要时我可以把这份契约拿出来给人看。但为了保证我继续为他效力，我要就学徒期余下的时间签一份新的契约，这份契约我们私下保存不予公开。这是一个非常蹩脚的计划，但很快得到实行，报纸也因而以我的名字继续出版了好几个月。

终于，我和哥哥之间产生了新的矛盾，我认定哥哥不会冒险拿出这份新契约，便借此机会争取自己的自由。我钻这个空子的做法对他不太公平，因此我把这件事看成我人生中最初犯下的错误之一。但他脾气暴躁，常常打我，我对此十分厌恶，因此这种不公平并未让我感到多少内疚。他在其他方面并不是个性情恶劣的人，也有可能是我当时太无礼、太让他生气了。

哥哥意识到我要离开他后，便刻意阻止我在镇上其他印刷店找到工作。他到店老板那里到处游说，于是他们都拒绝雇我。我就想到了去纽约，那里离波士顿最近，也有一家印刷店，而且我也倾向于离开波士顿，我想到我给当局已经留下了极恶劣的名声，从州议会处理哥哥案子的恣意专横可以看出如果我留在波士顿，很可能很快就会给自己带来麻烦。此外，我关于宗教的轻率论辩，已开始让自己成为善男信女的众矢之的，他们心怀恐惧，把我看成异教徒或者无神论者。于是我决意离开，但父亲此刻已站在哥哥一边了。我意识到，如果我公开出走，他们会想办法来阻止我。因此我的朋友柯林斯帮我想了个办法，他和一艘纽约帆船的船长说好，让我搭乘他的船。柯林斯把我说成是他的一个年轻朋友，因为让一个轻佻的姑娘怀了孕，她的朋友强迫我娶她，因此我不能公开露面，只能悄悄离开。于是我卖了些书换了点钱，悄悄上了船，因为一路顺风，三天后我就到达了纽约这个离家近300英里的地方。当时我只有17岁，在这里既无人举荐，亦无亲无故，口袋里也只剩下很少的一点钱。

My inclinations for the sea were by this time worne out, or I might now have gratify'd them. But, having a trade, and supposing myself a pretty good workman, I offer'd my service to the printer in the place, old Mr. William Bradford, who had been the first printer in Pennsylvania, but removed from thence upon the quarrel of George Keith. He could give me no employment, having little to do, and help enough already; but says he, "My son at Philadelphia has lately lost his principal hand, Aquila Rose, by death; if you go thither, I believe he may employ you." Philadelphia was a hundred miles further; I set out, however, in a boat for Amboy, leaving my chest and things to follow me round by sea.

In crossing the bay, we met with a squall that tore our rotten sails to pieces, prevented our getting into the Kill and drove us upon Long Island. In our way, a drunken Dutchman, who was a passenger too, fell overboard; when he was sinking, I reached through the water to his shock pate, and drew him up, so that we got him in again. His ducking sobered him a little, and he went to sleep, taking first out of his pocket a book, which he desir'd I would dry for him. It proved to be my old favorite author, Bunyan's Pilgrim's Progress, in Dutch, finely printed on good paper, with copper cuts, a dress better than I had ever seen it wear in its own language. I have since found that it has been translated into most of the languages of Europe, and suppose it has been more generally read than any other book, except perhaps the Bible. Honest John[14] was the first that I know of who mix'd narration and dialogue; a method of writing very engaging to the reader, who in the most interesting parts finds himself, as it were, brought into the company and present at the discourse. De Foe in his Cruso, his Moll Flanders, Religious Courtship, Family Instructor, and other pieces, has imitated it with success; and Richardson[15] has done the same, in his Pamela, etc.

这时我对航海的兴趣已经消磨殆尽，不然这时的我倒是可以如愿以偿了。但因为有一门手艺，而且觉得自己干得还不错，我到当地印刷店老板老威廉·布拉德福德先生那里找工作，他开了宾夕法尼亚的第一家印刷店，因为和乔治·基思发生争执才搬来这里。他那儿活儿不多，而且人手已够，所以没能雇我，但他说：“我儿子在费城，他的主要助手阿奎拉·罗斯最近去世了，如果你去那儿，我想他会雇你的。”费城离纽约还有100英里，但我还是乘船向安博伊出发了，留下箱子和其他物什随后由海路运来。

穿越海湾时，我们遇上了狂风，破烂的船帆被撕成了碎片，我们未能驶入基尔河，风把我们吹向长岛去了。途中，一位喝醉的荷兰乘客从船上跌了下去，他正往下沉时，我连忙伸手抓住了他头顶上的头发，把他从水中拉了上来，这样他又重回到了船上。落入水中倒让他清醒了一点儿，他从口袋里掏出一本书给我，让我帮他弄干，便去睡觉了。这本书恰是我之前最喜欢的作家班扬的《天路历程》的荷兰语译本，书的纸质很好，还附有铜版插图，装订比我所见过的原本还要精美。后来我发现这本书已被译成了欧洲大多数语言，我认为也许这是除了《圣经》之外读者群最广泛的一本书。“诚实的约翰”是我所知的作家中第一个将叙述和对话两种写作手法穿插使用的，这种写作手法很能吸引读者，在作品最有趣的部分，读者仿佛能身临其境，亲耳听到人物的谈话。笛福在他的《鲁宾逊漂流记》、《摩尔·弗兰德斯》、《宗教求爱》、《家庭教师》及其他作品中成功模仿了这种写作手法，理查森在他的《帕美勒》等作品中也使用了这种手法。

When we drew near the island, we found it was at a place where there could be no landing, there being a great surff on the stony beach. So we dropt anchor, and swung round towards the shore. Some people came down to the water edge and hallow'd to us, as we did to them; but the wind was so high, and the surff so loud, that we could not hear so as to understand each other. There were canoes on the shore, and we made signs, and hallow'd that they should fetch us; but they either did not understand us, or thought it impracticable, so they went away, and night coming on, we had no remedy but to wait till the wind should abate; and, in the meantime, the boatman and I concluded to sleep, if we could; and so crowded into the scuttle, with the Dutchman, who was still wet, and the spray beating over the head of our boat, leak'd thro' to us, so that we were soon almost as wet as he. In this manner we lay all night, with very little rest; but, the wind abating the next day, we made a shift to reach Amboy before night, having been thirty hours on the water, without victuals, or any drink but a bottle of filthy rum, and the water we sail'd on being salt.

In the evening I found myself very feverish, and went in to bed; but, having read somewhere that cold water drank plentifully was good for a fever, I follow'd the prescription, sweat plentiful most of the night, my fever left me, and in the morning, crossing the ferry, I proceeded on my journey on foot, having fifty miles to Burlington, where I was told I should find boats that would carry me the rest of the way to Philadelphia.

It rained very hard all the day; I was thoroughly soak'd, and by noon a good deal tired; so I stopt at a poor inn, where I staid all night, beginning now to wish that I had never left home. I cut so miserable a figure, too, that I found, by the questions ask'd me, I was suspected to be some runaway servant, and in danger of being taken up on that suspicion. However, I proceeded the next day, and got in the evening to an inn, within eight or ten miles of Burlington, kept by one Dr. Brown. He entered into conversation with me while I took some refreshment, and, finding I had read a little, became very sociable and friendly. Our acquaintance continu'd as long as he liv'd. He had been, I imagine, an itinerant doctor, for there was no town in England, or country in Europe, of which he could not give a very particular account. He had some letters, and was ingenious, but much of an unbeliever, and wickedly undertook, some years after, to travestie the Bible in doggrel verse, as Cotton had done Virgil. By this means he set many of the facts in a very ridiculous light, and might have hurt weak minds if his work had been published; but it never was.

船近长岛时，我们发现海滩上波涛汹涌，乱石丛立，无法靠岸登陆。于是我们抛了锚，向岸边侧转船身。有人来到海边，冲我们大声打招呼，我们也冲他们大声打招呼，但是风大浪高，听不清对方说什么。岸边有些独木舟，我们向他们打手势，大喊请他们驾舟来接我们，但他们要么没领会，要么觉得做不到，就离开了。天色渐晚，我们依然束手无策，只能等风势减弱，于是我和船夫决定睡觉去，只要我们能睡得着。我们和那位全身依然湿着的荷兰人挤在小船舱里，盖过船头的浪花溅了下来，我们很快就几乎和他一样身上全湿了。我们就这样躺了一晚上，没怎么睡着，但第二天风势减弱了，我们想尽力在入夜前抵达安博伊，这时我们已在水上航行了30个小时，没吃没喝，只有一瓶不干净的朗姆酒，连船下的水也是咸的。

晚上我发现自己烧得厉害，就躺到床上，但我曾记得在哪里读过，喝足够多的冷水能有助于退烧，于是采用了这种方法，出了大半夜汗，终于退了烧。早上我跨过渡口上了岸，徒步继续我的行程，此时离伯灵顿还有50英里，有人告诉我在那里可以找到船送我去费城。

大雨下了一整天，我浑身都湿透了，到了中午已是非常疲惫，于是就在一个破败的小旅馆停了下来，并在那里住了一夜，这时我开始后悔真不该离家出走。因为外表狼狈，我从别人的盘问中发现自己被怀疑是逃跑的仆人，因此有被抓捕的危险。但我第二天就上了路，晚上歇在一个叫布朗医生开的旅馆里，当时离伯灵顿只有8到10英里了。吃点心时布朗医生和我聊了一会儿，发现我读过些书后，他对我的态度变得非常友善。我们后来一直保持着联系，直至他去世。我想他以前应该是个江湖游医，因为他对英国或欧洲其他国家的每个城镇都能详尽描述。他有些学问，也很聪明，但他不信教，几年后还恶作剧式地把《圣经》改写成拙劣的韵文诗，就像科顿改写维吉尔的诗一样。布朗医生的改写使得许多事实变得非常荒谬，如果其作品得以出版的话，恐怕会伤害那些意志薄弱的人，但它从未出版。

At his house I lay that night, and the next morning reach'd Burlington, but had the mortification to find that the regular boats were gone a little before my coming, and no other expected to go before Tuesday, this being Saturday; wherefore I returned to an old woman in the town, of whom I had bought gingerbread to eat on the water, and ask'd her advice. She invited me to lodge at her house till a passage by water should offer; and being tired with my foot travelling, I accepted the invitation. She understanding I was a printer, would have had me stay at that town and follow my business, being ignorant of the stock necessary to begin with. She was very hospitable, gave me a dinner of ox-cheek with great good will, accepting only a pot of ale in return; and I thought myself fixed till Tuesday should come. However, walking in the evening by the side of the river, a boat came by, which I found was going towards Philadelphia, with several people in her. They took me in, and, as there was no wind, we row'd all the way; and about midnight, not having yet seen the city, some of the company were confident we must have passed it, and would row no farther; the others knew not where we were; so we put toward the shore, got into a creek, landed near an old fence, with the rails of which we made a fire, the night being cold, in October, and there we remained till daylight. Then one of the company knew the place to be Cooper's Creek, a little above Philadelphia, which we saw as soon as we got out of the creek, and arriv'd there about eight or nine o'clock on the Sunday morning, and landed at the Market-street wharf.

我在布朗医生的旅馆过了一夜，第二天早上抵达了伯灵顿，却很懊恼地发现班船已经在我到之前一小会儿开走了，下一班要到星期二，而这时才星期六。于是我回到镇上一位老妇人那里，我刚在她那儿买了准备在船上吃的姜饼，这时回来询问她的建议，她留我住在她家，直到有船可以使我成行。我当时因长途跋涉，双脚已十分劳累，便接受了她的邀请。老妇人知道我是个印刷工后，让我留在这里开个印刷铺，殊不知开印刷铺是需要些资本的。她非常好客，还极为好心地招待我吃了牛颊当晚餐，并只接受一小罐麦芽酒作为回报，我于是想下周二前就留在这里吧。但傍晚我在河边散步的时候，一艘船驶了过来，我发现是去往费城的，船上有几个人。他们让我上了船，因为无风，我们一路划船前进。大约半夜时分，还是没有望见费城，我们中有些人很肯定地认为我们已经过了费城，不肯再划，其他人也不知道我们到底在哪儿，于是我们划向岸边，进入一条小河道，在一道旧栅栏旁登陆。我们取了栅栏的木头生了火，十月的夜晚很冷，我们就这样呆到天亮。一位同伴认出这里是库珀河，位于费城北边不远。我们驶出小河后马上望见了费城，星期天早上大约八九点到了那里，并在市场街码头上了岸。

I have been the more particular in this description of my journey, and shall be so of my first entry into that city, that you may in your mind compare such unlikely beginnings with the figure I have since made there. I was in my working dress, my best cloaths being to come round by sea. I was dirty from my journey; my pockets were stuff'd out with shirts and stockings, and I knew no soul nor where to look for lodging. I was fatigued with travelling, rowing, and want of rest, I was very hungry; and my whole stock of cash consisted of a Dutch dollar, and about a shilling in copper. The latter I gave the people of the boat for my passage, who at first refus'd it, on account of my rowing; but I insisted on their taking it. A man being sometimes more generous when he has but a little money than when he has plenty, perhaps thro' fear of being thought to have but little.

Then I walked up the street, gazing about till near the market-house I met a boy with bread. I had made many a meal on bread, and, inquiring where he got it, I went immediately to the baker's he directed me to, in Secondstreet, and ask'd for bisket, intending such as we had in Boston; but they, it seems, were not made in Philadelphia. Then I asked for a three-penny loaf, and was told they had none such. So not considering or knowing the difference of money, and the greater cheapness nor the names of his bread, I made him give me three-penny worth of any sort. He gave me, accordingly, three great puffy rolls. I was surpriz'd at the quantity, but took it, and, having no room in my pockets, walk'd off with a roll under each arm, and eating the other. Thus I went up Market-street as far as Fourth-street, passing by the door of Mr. Read, my future wife's father; when she, standing at the door, saw me, and thought I made, as I certainly did, a most awkward, ridiculous appearance. Then I turned and went down Chestnut-street and part of Walnut-street, eating my roll all the way, and, corning round, found myself again at Market-street wharf, near the boat I came in, to which I went for a draught of the river water; and, being filled with one of my rolls, gave the other two to a woman and her child that came down the river in the boat with us, and were waiting to go farther.

我对这段旅程记述得特别详细，对我初次来到这座城市的情景也要细细描写一番，好让你在心里能将我初来乍到时的窘况与我后来在此地取得的成就作个比较。我当时穿着以前的工作服，我最好的衣服还没从海上运来。我一路奔波，身上很脏，口袋里塞满了衬衫和长袜，在这里又无亲无故，不知上哪儿找住宿的地方。这些天的奔波、划船，又缺乏休息，我已经十分疲惫，并且饥肠辘辘。我所有的现金只有一元荷兰币，还有约值一先令的铜币。我把那块铜币当作旅费给了船上的人，他们起初不收，因为我帮他们划船了，但我执意他们收下。有时候，人手上只有一点钱反而会比富有时更慷慨，可能因为怕被人当成穷人吧。

然后我上街逛去了，一路四下张望，在市场附近遇见一个拿着面包的男孩。我有好多顿饭只吃面包，问了他在哪儿买的，就立刻去了他指给我的那家在第二街上的面包房。我想买在波士顿买过的那种面包，但费城好像没有，我又想买一块三便士的面包，他们说也没有。于是，我不考虑也不清楚物价的差别，不了解费城物价很低，也不知道店里各种面包的名字，就让他卖给我价值三便士的面包，他给了我三个很大的面包卷。我很惊讶居然能买这么多，但还是买下了，兜里放不下，就两只胳膊各夹一个，嘴里还吃着一个。我就这副模样沿着市场街走到了第四街，路过了我未来岳父里德先生家门口，当时我未来的妻子站在门口看见了我，觉得我当时的样子既难看又可笑，也的确如此。我转身走过栗子街，来到核桃街上，一路啃着面包卷，转过弯来，发现自己又到了市场街的码头，而且就在我所乘的船附近。我上码头去喝了口河水，因为吃了一个面包卷已经很饱了，就把剩下两个给了一位和我们一起乘船到此的妇人和她的孩子，他们还等着去更远的地方。

Thus refreshed, I walked again up the street, which by this time had many clean-dressed people in it, who were all walking the same way. I joined them, and thereby was led into the great meeting-house of the Quakers near the market. I sat down among them, and, after looking round awhile and hearing nothing said, being very drowsy thro' labor and want of rest the preceding night, I fell fast asleep, and continued so till the meeting broke up, when one was kind enough to rouse me. This was, therefore, the first house I was in, or slept in, in Philadelphia.

Walking down again toward the river, and, looking in the faces of people, I met a young Quaker man, whose countenance I lik'd, and, accosting him, requested he would tell me where a stranger could get lodging. We were then near the sign of the Three Mariners. "Here," says he, "is one place that entertains strangers, but it is not a reputable house; if thee wilt walk with me, I'll show thee a better." He brought me to the Crooked Billet in Water-street. Here I got a dinner; and, while I was eating it, several sly questions were asked me, as it seemed to be suspected from my youth and appearance, that I might be some runaway.

After dinner, my sleepiness return'd, and being shown to a bed, I lay down without undressing, and slept till six in the evening, was call'd to supper, went to bed again very early, and slept soundly till next morning. Then I made myself as tidy as I could, and went to Andrew Bradford the printer's. I found in the shop the old man his father, whom I had seen at New York, and who, travelling on horseback, had got to Philadelphia before me. He introduc'd me to his son, who receiv'd me civilly, gave me a breakfast, but told me he did not at present want a hand, being lately suppli'd with one; but there was another printer in town, lately set up, one Keimer, who, perhaps, might employ me; if not, I should be welcome to lodge at his house, and he would give me a little work to do now and then till fuller business should offer.

吃了面包恢复了精神，我又溜达上街了，这回我看见许多衣着干净的人，他们都朝一个方向走着。我加入了他们，结果被带到了市场附近贵格会的大会堂里。我在他们中间坐下，四下里望了望，没听见任何人说话。因为前一晚非常劳累又缺乏休息，此时已觉很困，于是我沉沉地睡了过去，直到散会时有人好心叫醒了我。于是这里就成了我在费城走进去或在里面睡觉的第一间房子。

我又朝着河的方向走去，观察路上行人的面庞。我遇见一位年轻的贵格会信徒，看上去面容和善，就上前和他说话，请他告诉我外地人在哪儿能找到住宿的地方。我们当时就在“三个水手”旅馆的招牌附近，他说：“这里就是一个招待外地人的地方，但名声不怎么好。如果你愿意跟我走，我可以把你带到一个更好的地方去。”他领着我来到水街的克鲁克德旅馆，我在那里吃了饭。吃饭时店家拐弯抹角地问了我几个问题，可能因为我很年轻，又是这副模样，让人怀疑是逃亡出来的吧。

吃过饭后，我的困意再次袭来，店家把我带到一张床跟前，我就和衣而睡了，一直到晚上六点，他们叫我起来吃晚饭。饭后我又早早上了床，安然睡到第二天早上。起床后，我努力把自己打扮整洁，去了安德鲁·布拉德福德的印刷店。在店里，我见到了店主的父亲，就是我在纽约见过的那位老人，他当时骑马过来，在我之前到了费城。他把我介绍给他儿子，小布拉德福德待我很有礼貌，还请我吃了早饭。但他告诉我最近刚找了个伙计，暂时不需要帮手，但城里还有一家新近开张的印刷店，老板叫凯默，他也许会雇我；如果他不雇我的话，我可以先在布拉德福德店里住下，他会不时给我些零活儿干，直到我找到正式工作。

The old gentleman said he would go with me to the new printer; and when we found him, "Neighbor," says Bradford, "I have brought to see you a young man of your business; perhaps you may want such a one." He ask'd me a few questions, put a composing stick in my hand to see how I work'd, and then said he would employ me soon, though he had just then nothing for me to do; and, taking old Bradford, whom he had never seen before, to be one of the town's people that had a good will for him, enter'd into a conversation on his present undertaking and projects; while Bradford, not discovering that he was the other printer's father, on Keimer's saying he expected soon to get the greatest part of the business into his own hands, drew him on by artful questions, and starting little doubts, to explain all his views, what interests he reli'd on, and in what manner he intended to proceed. I, who stood by and heard all, saw immediately that one of them was a crafty old sophister, and the other a mere novice. Bradford left me with Keimer, who was greatly surpris'd when I told him who the old man was.

Keimer's printing-house, I found, consisted of an old shatter'd press, and one small, worn-out font of English which he was then using himself, composing an Elegy on Aquila Rose, before mentioned, an ingenious young man, of excellent character, much respected in the town, clerk of the Assembly, and a pretty poet. Keimer made verses too, but very indifferently. He could not be said to write them, for his manner was to compose them in the types directly out of his head. So there being no copy, but one pair of cases, and the Elegy likely to require all the letter, no one could help him. I endeavor'd to put his press (which he had not yet us'd, and of which he understood nothing) into order fit to be work'd with; and, promising to come and print off his Elegy as soon as he should have got it ready, I return'd to Bradford's, who gave me a little job to do for the present, and there I lodged and dieted. A few days after, Keimer sent for me to print off the Elegy. And now he had got another pair of cases, and a pamphlet to reprint, on which he set me to work.

老布拉德福德说他陪我一起去那家新开的印刷店。找到店主后，布拉德福德对凯默说：“邻居，我给你带来个干你这行的小伙子，也许你正想要这样一个人吧。”凯默问了我几个问题，又给我个排字盘要看看我活儿干得如何，然后说他不久后能雇用我，但这时还没什么工作让我做。他此前从未见过布拉德福德，以为他是镇上一个对他心怀善意的人，就和他谈起了自己现在的事业和计划。布拉德福德听凯默说希望很快把费城大部分的印刷业务抢到自己手里，便没说自己是城里另一家印刷店老板的父亲，而是巧妙地问了些问题，提了些小小的疑惑，引着凯默详细地讲了自己的全部想法，还谈到他所依靠的势力以及他打算怎样开展业务。我站在一旁，听见了他们全部的谈话，立刻看出他们一个精明老到，另一个则只是个新手。布拉德福德离开时把我留在凯默店里，我告诉凯默这位老人是谁时，他大吃了一惊。

我发现凯默的印刷店里只有一台破旧的印刷机和一套已经磨损的小号英文铅字，他正用这套铅字排一首纪念阿奎拉·罗斯的挽歌。阿奎拉·罗斯在前文提到过，这个年轻人品行端正，才思敏捷，在城里很受尊敬，既是州议会的秘书，又是一位不错的诗人。凯默也作诗，但作得不好。其实不能说他是在写诗，因为他一般是把脑子里想出的诗句直接用铅字排出来，因此他的作品没有手稿，而排字盘只有一副，写一首挽歌可能要用上所有的铅字，所以没人能帮他的忙。我尽力想把那台印刷机（他还没有使用过，对它也一无所知）修好以便开始工作，还答应他一等他排好那首挽歌就过来把它印出来。我先回了布拉德福德店里，布拉德福德给我临时安排了些零活儿，我食宿也都在那里。几天后，凯默派人叫我去印那首挽歌，那时他又弄到了一副排字盘，还有一本小册子需要重印，他把这活儿也派给了我。

These two printers I found poorly qualified for their business. Bradford had not been bred to it, and was very illiterate; and Keimer, tho' something of a scholar, was a mere compositor, knowing nothing of presswork. He had been one of the French prophets, and could act their enthusiastic agitations. At this time he did not profess any particular religion, but something of all on occasion; was very ignorant of the world, and had, as I afterward found, a good deal of the knave in his composition. He did not like my lodging at Bradford's while I work'd with him. He had a house, indeed, but without furniture, so he could not lodge me; but he got me a lodging at Mr. Read's, before mentioned, who was the owner of his house; and, my chest and clothes being come by this time, I made rather a more respectable appearance in the eyes of Miss Read than I had done when she first happen'd to see me eating my roll in the street.

I began now to have some acquaintance among the young people of the town, that were lovers of reading, with whom I spent my evenings very pleasantly; and gaining money by my industry and frugality, I lived very agreeably, forgetting Boston as much as I could, and not desiring that any there should know where I resided, except my friend Collins, who was in my secret, and kept it when I wrote to him. At length, an incident happened that sent me back again much sooner than I had intended. I had a brother-in-law, Robert Holmes, master of a sloop that traded between Boston and Delaware. He being at Newcastle, forty miles below Philadelphia, heard there of me, and wrote me a letter mentioning the concern of my friends in Boston at my abrupt departure, assuring me of their good will to me, and that every thing would be accommodated to my mind if I would return, to which he exhorted me very earnestly. I wrote an answer to his letter, thank'd him for his advice, but stated my reasons for quitting Boston fully and in such a light as to convince him I was not so wrong as he had apprehended.

我发现这两位印刷店老板都不大是干印刷行业的料。布拉德福德没有学过印刷，又没念过什么书，而凯默尽管像个学者的样子，却只会排字，对于印刷则一无所知。凯默曾是法国先知派教徒，言行举止可以装得像他们那样热情激动。这时凯默并没宣称信仰某个特定宗教，而是见风使舵，对各个教派都信一点。他对人情世故一无所知，我后来发现，他的脾性里还颇有些无赖气。凯默不喜欢我在他那儿工作却住在布拉德福德店里，他倒是有间房子，但里头没家具，因此不能让我寄宿。但他帮我在前面提过的里德先生家里找了个住宿的地方，里德先生也是他的房东。这时我的箱子和衣服都已运到费城，因此在里德小姐眼中，我的模样已比她第一次碰巧看见我在街上啃面包卷时要体面得多了。

此时我逐渐结识了城里的一些年轻人，他们也热爱阅读，我和他们一起度过了很多愉快的夜晚。因为勤奋节俭，我赚了些钱，过得也很不错。我尽量忘记波士顿，不想波士顿有谁知道我现在住在哪里。只有我的朋友柯林斯知道这个秘密，我写信给他，要他别说出去。后来发生了一件事，使我大大早于我的预期回去了。我有个姐夫叫罗伯特·霍尔姆斯，他有一艘帆船在波士顿和特拉华之间开展贸易往来。当时他正在费城南面40英里的纽卡斯尔，听说我在费城就给我写了封信，说我突然离开，波士顿的朋友都非常挂念。他向我保证他们对我都是心怀善意的，如果我能回去，一切都会遂我心愿，他极力劝我回去。我回信感谢他的建议，但也向他充分说明了我离开波士顿的原因，让他明白我不像他所想的那样犯了大错。

Sir William Keith, governor of the province, was then at Newcastle, and Captain Holmes, happening to be in company with him when my letter came to hand, spoke to him of me, and show'd him the letter. The governor read it, and seem'd surpris'd when he was told my age. He said I appear'd a young man of promising parts, and therefore should be encouraged; the printers at Philadelphia were wretched ones; and, if I would set up there, he made no doubt I should succeed; for his part, he would procure me the public business, and do me every other service in his power. This my brother-in-law afterwards told me in Boston, but I knew as yet nothing of it; when, one day, Keimer and I being at work together near the window, we saw the governor and another gentleman (which proved to be Colonel French, of Newcastle), finely dress'd, come directly across the street to our house, and heard them at the door.

Keimer ran down immediately, thinking it a visit to him; but the governor inquir'd for me, came up, and with a condescension of politeness I had been quite unus'd to, made me many compliments, desired to be acquainted with me, blam'd me kindly for not having made myself known to him when I first came to the place, and would have me away with him to the tavern, where he was going with Colonel French to taste, as he said, some excellent Madeira[16]. I was not a little surprised, and Keimer star'd like a pig poison'd. I went, however, with the governor and Colonel French to a tavern, at the corner of Third-street, and over the Madeira he propos'd my setting up my business, laid before me the probabilities of success, and both he and Colonel French assur'd me I should have their interest and influence in procuring the public business of both governments. On my doubting whether my father would assist me in it, Sir William said he would give me a letter to him, in which he would state the advantages, and he did not doubt of prevailing with him. So it was concluded I should return to Boston in the first vessel, with the governor's letter recommending me to my father. In the mean time the intention was to be kept a secret, and I went on working with Keimer as usual, the governor sending for me now and then to dine with him, a very great honor I thought it, and conversing with me in the most affable, familiar, and friendly manner imaginable.

本州的总督威廉·基思爵士当时也在纽卡斯尔，霍尔姆斯船长收到我的回信时恰好和他在一起，就向他提到了我，并把信给他看了。读完信之后，总督又知道了我的年龄，似乎很惊讶。他说我看来是个有前途的年轻人，应该加以鼓励。费城的印刷店都很糟糕，他认为如果我在费城开印刷店，一定会成功，而且就他而言，会把政府部门的生意招揽给我，还会尽其所能给我其他帮助。这是我姐夫后来在波士顿告诉我的，当时我并不知道。有一天我和凯默在窗前一块儿工作，我们看见总督和另一位绅士（后来知道他是纽卡斯尔的弗伦奇上校）穿戴得体面精致，穿过街道径直朝我们的房子走来，接着就听见他们在门口的声音。

凯默立即跑了下去，以为他俩是来拜访他的，但总督却问起了我，然后走上楼，对我赞许有加，说想要多认识我，又和善地责备我初到费城时没让他知道，还邀我和他一起去酒馆喝杯上好的马德拉白葡萄酒，他说他和弗伦奇上校正要去品尝品尝，言辞之间透露的谦卑恳切和彬彬有礼，让我非常不习惯。我对此十分诧异，凯默则惊得呆若木鸡。但我还是和总督还有弗伦奇上校去了第三街街角的一家酒馆，喝着白葡萄酒时，总督提议我自己开家印刷店，并给我讲了成功的可能性，他和上校两人都向我保证会利用自己的关系和影响帮我揽得政府和军队这两方面的生意。我对我父亲是否会帮我心存疑虑，威廉爵士说他会让我给我父亲带封信，向他详细说说这些有利条件，他毫不怀疑这样一定能够说服我的父亲。最后我们敲定，由我带着总督写给我父亲的推荐信，乘第一班轮船回到波士顿。同时，总督的这种意图不会公开，我还像往常一样在凯默店里上班，总督不时派人邀我去和他吃饭，我认为这是我莫大的荣耀，他还总是用想象得到的最和蔼、最亲切和最友好的方式与我谈话。

About the end of April, 1724, a little vessel offer'd for Boston. I took leave of Keimer as going to see my friends. The governor gave me an ample letter, saying many flattering things of me to my father, and strongly recommending the project of my setting up at Philadelphia as a thing that must make my fortune. We struck on a shoal in going down the bay, and sprung a leak; we had a blustering time at sea, and were oblig'd to pump almost continually, at which I took my turn. We arriv'd safe, however, at Boston in about a fortnight. I had been absent seven months, and my friends had heard nothing of me; for my br. Holmes was not yet return'd, and had not written about me. My unexpected appearance surpriz'd the family; all were, however, very glad to see me, and made me welcome, except my brother. I went to see him at his printing-house. I was better dress'd than ever while in his service, having a genteel new suit from head to foot, a watch, and my pockets lin'd with near five pounds sterling[17] in silver. He receiv'd me not very frankly, look'd me all over, and turn'd to his work again.

The journeymen were inquisitive where I had been, what sort of a country it was, and how I lik'd it. I prais'd it much, the happy life I led in it, expressing strongly my intention of returning to it; and, one of them asking what kind of money we had there, I produc'd a handful of silver, and spread it before them, which was a kind of raree-show they had not been us'd to, paper being the money of Boston. Then I took an opportunity of letting them see my watch; and, lastly (my brother still grum and sullen), I gave them a piece of eight to drink, and took my leave. This visit of mine offended him extreamly; for, when my mother some time after spoke to him of a reconciliation, and of her wishes to see us on good terms together, and that we might live for the future as brothers, he said I had insulted him in such a manner before his people that he could never forget or forgive it. In this, however, he was mistaken.

大约在1724年4月底，有艘小船要开往波士顿去。我向凯默告别，说要去看望朋友。总督交给我一封长信，信里向我父亲大大夸奖了我一番，还极力建议让我在费城开印刷店，认为这一定会让我赚大钱的。我们的船驶出海湾时碰上了沙洲，船身裂了一条缝；在海上行驶时狂风大作，我们只得频繁地抽水，我也轮班承担了这一工作。大约两周以后，我们终于平安抵达波士顿。此时我离开波士顿已经七个月了，朋友们都没有我的消息，因为我姐夫霍尔姆斯还没回来，也没有写信提到我的情况。我的突然出现让我家人惊讶不已，但大家见到我都很高兴，除了我哥哥外他们都欢迎我回来。我去哥哥的印刷店见了他，当时我穿得比在他店里当学徒的任何时候都要好多了，从头到脚都穿着体面的新衣服，还戴着表，口袋里有近五镑银币。他勉为其难地接待了我，将我全身打量了一番，然后又去工作了。

店里的伙计都很好奇我去了哪里，那是什么样的地方，我觉得那里怎么样等等。我对费城称赞有加，说在那里生活得很快乐，还强调了要回费城的打算。他们其中一个问我费城用什么样的钱，我掏出一把银币给他们看，这样的稀奇物他们可没怎么见过，因为波士顿使用的是纸币。后来我又借机让他们看了我的表，最后（我哥哥还是阴沉着脸）还给了他们一块银币让他们买酒喝，这才告辞。我的这次拜访让我哥哥极为不快，后来我母亲向他提到让我们和解，说希望看到我们和睦相处，以后依然手足情深时，他说我在他的伙计面前对他如此羞辱，他永远不会忘记也不能原谅。但是这一点，他弄错了。

My father received the governor's letter with some apparent surprise, but said little of it to me for some days, when Capt. Holmes returning he showed it to him, ask'd him if he knew Keith, and what kind of man he was; adding his opinion that he must be of small discretion to think of setting a boy up in business who wanted yet three years of being at man's estate. Holmes said what he could in favor of the project, but my father was clear in the impropriety of it, and at last gave a flat denial to it. Then he wrote a civil letter to Sir William, thanking him for the patronage he had so kindly offered me, but declining to assist me as yet in setting up, I being, in his opinion, too young to be trusted with the management of a business so important, and for which the preparation must be so expensive.

My friend and companion Collins, who was a clerk in the post-office, pleas'd with the account I gave him of my new country, determined to go thither also; and, while I waited for my father's determination, he set out before me by land to Rhode Island, leaving his books, which were a pretty collection of mathematicks and natural philosophy, to come with mine and me to New York, where he propos'd to wait for me.

My father, tho' he did not approve Sir William's proposition, was yet pleas'd that I had been able to obtain so advantageous a character from a person of such note where I had resided, and that I had been so industrious and careful as to equip myself so handsomely in so short a time; therefore, seeing no prospect of an accommodation between my brother and me, he gave his consent to my returning again to Philadelphia, advis'd me to behave respectfully to the people there, endeavor to obtain the general esteem, and avoid lampooning and libeling, to which he thought I had too much inclination; telling me, that by steady industry and a prudent parsimony I might save enough by the time I was one-and-twenty to set me up; and that, if I came near the matter, he would help me out with the rest. This was all I could obtain, except some small gifts as tokens of his and my mother's love, when I embark'd again for New York, now with their approbation and their blessing.

我父亲读完总督的信后明显很惊讶，但好几天他都没怎么和我说起此事。霍尔姆斯船长回来后，父亲把信给他看，问他是否认识基思，他是怎样的人，另外父亲还说，这人提出让一个离成年还差三岁的孩子创业，一定考虑得不太周全。霍尔姆斯极力说他支持让我开店的计划，但父亲态度明确，认为此事并不恰当，最终直接否决了它。然后他给威廉爵士写了封措词委婉的信，向他对我的好心帮助表示了感谢，但不同意资助我开店，他认为我还太年轻，还无法把如此重要的事业经营托付于我，且要开家印刷店，前期成本也太高了。

我的朋友和伙伴柯林斯当时在邮局里当职员，他听了我对那个新地方的描述，非常高兴，决定和我一起去那里，于是当我还在等父亲作出决定时，他已先我由陆路去了罗得岛。他收藏了很多数学和自然哲学方面的书，也交给了我，由我连同自己的书一起带至纽约，他说他在那里等我。

我父亲尽管不赞成威廉爵士的提议，但仍然很高兴我能得到当地这样一位知名人士对我赞誉有加的推荐信，且我勤奋细心，在这么短的时间里便把自己打扮得如此得体。因此，当父亲意识到我和哥哥无法和睦相处后，便同意我回到费城去，还建议我对那里的人要以礼相待，努力得到大家的尊重，不要嘲讽和诽谤他人，父亲认为我很有此种倾向。父亲说，只要我一直勤奋工作，审慎节俭，到21岁时我也许能攒够钱开店，等我的积蓄接近所需资金时，他会帮我凑齐不足的那部分。除了些表达父母之爱的小礼物，这就是我所得到的一切，我再次动身前往纽约时，是带着他们的赞许和祝福走的。

The sloop putting in at Newport, Rhode Island, I visited my brother John, who had been married and settled there some years. He received me very affectionately, for he always lov'd me. A friend of his, one Vernon, having some money due to him in Pensilvania, about thirty-five pounds currency, desired I would receive it for him, and keep it till I had his directions what to remit it in. Accordingly, he gave me an order. This afterwards occasion'd me a good deal of uneasiness.

At Newport we took in a number of passengers for New York, among which were two young women, companions, and a grave, sensible, matron-like Quaker woman, with her attendants. I had shown an obliging readiness to do her some little services, which impress'd her I suppose with a degree of good will toward me; therefore, when she saw a daily growing familiarity between me and the two young women, which they appear'd to encourage, she took me aside, and said: "Young man, I am concern'd for thee, as thou has no friend with thee, and seems not to know much of the world, or of the snares youth is expos'd to; depend upon it, those are very bad women; I can see it in all their actions; and if thee art not upon thy guard, they will draw thee into some danger; they are strangers to thee, and I advise thee, in a friendly concern for thy welfare, to have no acquaintance with them." As I seem'd at first not to think so ill of them as she did, she mentioned some things she had observ'd and heard that had escap'd my notice, but now convinc'd me she was right. I thank'd her for her kind advice, and promis'd to follow it. When we arriv'd at New York, they told me where they liv'd, and invited me to come and see them; but I avoided it, and it was well I did; for the next day the captain miss'd a silver spoon and some other things, that had been taken out of his cabbin, and, knowing that these were a couple of strumpets, he got a warrant to search their lodgings, found the stolen goods, and had the thieves punish'd. So, tho' we had escap'd a sunken rock, which we scrap'd upon in the passage, I thought this escape of rather more importance to me.

帆船驶入了罗得岛的新港，我去拜访了我哥哥约翰，他已成家，定居在此好几年了。他热情地招待了我，因为他一直都很喜欢我。约翰哥哥有个朋友叫弗农，宾夕法尼亚州有人欠他些钱，大约35镑，弗农希望我能代他收下欠款并代为保管，直到他通知我这笔钱的用处，他还为此给我开了一张付款委托书。后来这件事给我带来了诸多不安。

我们的船在新港上了好些去纽约的乘客，其中有两位年轻女性是同伴，还有一位表情严肃、明白事理、看起来像位主妇的贵格会女士和她的随从。我表现出随时乐于为她帮点小忙的意思，我想这给她留下了一定的好印象。因此，当她见我和两位年轻女士日渐熟络且她们似乎热衷与我相熟时，便把我拉到一旁，说：“年轻人，我很关心你，因为你没有和朋友一起，似乎也不太了解世事，不了解年轻会面对多少陷阱。相信我，这两个女人很坏，我能从她们的举动中看出来，如果你不提防着些，她们会让你陷入危险中的。你并不认识她们，我如此善意地劝告你是为了你好，不要和她们来往。”我开始时并不像她一样对那两位女士如此反感，直到她提到一些她看到和听到而我没有注意到的事情，我才相信她是对的。我感谢她好心的建议，保证一定会听她的话。我们到达纽约时，那两位年轻女士告诉了我她们的住所，邀我前去探望她们，但我没有去，这个决定很明智。因为第二天船长丢了一把银勺还有其他一些物品，这些都是在他的房间里被偷出去的。船长知道这两位女士是妓女，他得到搜查证后搜查了她们的住所，找到了被盗物品，并使小偷受到了处罚。因此，尽管我们在航行中躲过了暗礁，但我认为没有落入她们的陷阱，对我的意义更为重大。

At New York I found my friend Collins, who had arriv'd there some time before me. We had been intimate from children, and had read the same books together; but he had the advantage of more time for reading and studying, and a wonderful genius for mathematical learning, in which he far outstript me. While I liv'd in Boston most of my hours of leisure for conversation were spent with him, and he continu'd a sober as well as an industrious lad; was much respected for his learning by several of the clergy and other gentlemen, and seemed to promise making a good figure in life. But, during my absence, he had acquir'd a habit of sotting with brandy; and I found by his own account, and what I heard from others, that he had been drunk every day since his arrival at New York, and behav'd very oddly. He had gam'd, too, and lost his money, so that I was oblig'd to discharge his lodgings, and defray his expenses to and at Philadelphia, which prov'd extremely inconvenient to me.

The then governor of New York, Burnet (son of Bishop Burnet), hearing from the captain that a young man, one of his passengers, had a great many books, desir'd he would bring me to see him. I waited upon him accordingly, and should have taken Collins with me but that he was not sober. The gov'r. treated me with great civility, show'd me his library, which was a very large one, and we had a good deal of conversation about books and authors. This was the second governor who had done me the honor to take notice of me; which, to a poor boy like me, was very pleasing.

We proceeded to Philadelphia. I received on the way Vernon's money, without which we could hardly have finish'd our journey. Collins wished to be employ'd in some counting-house, but, whether they discover'd his dramming by his breath, or by his behaviour, tho' he had some recommendations, he met with no success in any application, and continu'd lodging and boarding at the same house with me, and at my expense. Knowing I had that money of Vernon's, he was continually borrowing of me, still promising repayment as soon as he should be in business. At length he had got so much of it that I was distress'd to think what I should do in case of being call'd on to remit it.

在纽约我见到了我的朋友柯林斯，他比我早到一些。我们从孩提时代起就很要好，曾一起阅读同样的书籍，但他比我有优势，他有更多时间用来阅读和学习，他还在数学上有极高的天赋，在这一点上远超于我。我还在波士顿的时候，大部分空闲时间都是和他聊天，他那时还是一个滴酒不沾、勤奋刻苦的少年，因颇有学识而受到好几位牧师和其他绅士的尊敬，似乎以后要出人头地。但在我离开波士顿以后，他染上了酗饮白兰地的习惯，我从他自己和其他人口中得知，他到纽约后，每天都喝得醉醺醺的，且行为怪异。他还参与赌博，把钱都输了，我只得帮他支付住宿费，还得承担他去费城的旅费和在费城的开销，这给我带来了极大的麻烦。

当时纽约的总督伯内特先生（伯内特主教的儿子）听船长说他的乘客中有个年轻人有很多藏书，希望能够见我。于是我前去拜访他，本来要带柯林斯和我一起去，但他那天喝醉了。总督很有礼貌地接待了我，还带我参观了他的藏书室，那间藏书室很大，我们就书籍和作家谈了很多。这是第二位注意到我的总督，让我觉得很荣幸，这对于像我这样的穷孩子来说，是件令人非常高兴的事情。

我们继续向费城进发。在路上我收回了弗农的欠款，要是没这笔钱，我们可能都回不到费城。柯林斯想去某家会计房找活干，尽管他有些推荐信，但人家或是通过他的呼吸或是他的行为发现他爱饮酒，所以他的求职全都失败了，只能继续和我吃住在一起，费用都由我承担。知道我收了弗农的欠款后，柯林斯不断向我借钱，许诺他一找到工作就立刻还给我。终于，他把那笔钱借走了很大一部分，使我极为苦恼万一弗农让我把钱汇回去该怎么办。

His drinking continu'd, about which we sometimes quarrell'd, for, when a little intoxicated, he was very fractious. Once, in a boat on the Delaware with some other young men, he refused to row in his turn. "I will be row'd home," says he. "We will not row you," says I. "You must, or stay all night on the water," says he, "just as you please." The others said, "Let us row; what signifies it?" But, my mind being soured with his other conduct, I continu'd to refuse. So he swore he would make me row, or throw me overboard; and coming along, stepping on the thwarts, toward me, when he came up and struck at me, I clapped my hand under his crutch, and, rising, pitched him head-foremost into the river. I knew he was a good swimmer, and so was under little concern about him; but before he could get round to lay hold of the boat, we had with a few strokes pull'd her out of his reach; and ever when he drew near the boat, we ask'd if he would row, striking a few strokes to slide her away from him. He was ready to die with vexation, and obstinately would not promise to row. However, seeing him at last beginning to tire, we lifted him in and brought him home dripping wet in the evening. We hardly exchang'd a civil word afterwards, and a West India captain, who had a commission to procure a tutor for the sons of a gentleman at Barbados, happening to meet with him, agreed to carry him thither. He left me then, promising to remit me the first money he should receive in order to discharge the debt; but I never heard of him after.

柯林斯还是经常喝酒，我们有时为此争吵，因为他一旦有些醉意，就变得非常暴躁。有一次我们和其他几个年轻人乘船在特拉华河上航行，轮到他划船时，他不肯划。“你们划船带我回家吧。”他说。“我们不会代你划船的。”我回答。“你们必须得划，要不然就在这河上呆一夜吧，”他说，“随你们便。”其他人说道：“我们自己划吧，这有什么关系呢？”当时我心里正因他的其他行为生气，所以坚持拒绝划船。于是他狠狠地说一定要让我划，不然就把我扔下河去。他踩到坐板上，向我走了过来，他走到我面前要打我时，我一把托住他胯下，站起身，将他头朝下扔下了河。我知道他水性很好，所以不怎么担心他，但在他游过来要抓住船之前，我们又划了几下，让他够不着，每次他游得离船很近时，我们一边问他愿不愿意划船，一边又划几下让船离他远些。他恼羞成怒，还是一意孤行地不肯答应划船。但我们见他已经有些疲乏了，就把他拽了上来，晚上才把全身湿透的他送回家。此后，我们再难和颜悦色地说话。一位西印度的船长受托为巴巴多斯一位绅士的儿子们找一位家庭教师，恰好遇见了他，便同意带他去那里。于是柯林斯离开了我，承诺把拿到的第一笔工资汇给我还债，但我此后再没他的消息。

The breaking into this money of Vernon's was one of the first great errata of my life; and this affair show'd that my father was not much out in his judgment when he suppos'd me too young to manage business of importance. But Sir William, on reading his letter, said he was too prudent. There was great difference in persons; and discretion did not always accompany years, nor was youth always without it. "And since he will not set you up," says he, "I will do it myself. Give me an inventory of the things necessary to be had from England, and I will send for them. You shall repay me when you are able; I am resolv'd to have a good printer here, and I am sure you must succeed." This was spoken with such an appearance of cordiality, that I had not the least doubt of his meaning what he said. I had hitherto kept the proposition of my setting up, a secret in Philadelphia, and I still kept it. Had it been known that I depended on the governor, probably some friend, that knew him better, would have advis'd me not to rely on him, as I afterwards heard it as his known character to be liberal of promises which he never meant to keep. Yet, unsolicited as he was by me, how could I think his generous offers insincere? I believ'd him one of the best men in the world.

I presented him an inventory of a little print'g-house, amounting by my computation to about one hundred pounds sterling. He lik'd it, but ask'd me if my being on the spot in England to chuse the types, and see that every thing was good of the kind, might not be of some advantage. "Then," says he, "when there, you may make acquaintances, and establish correspondences in the bookselling and stationery way." I agreed that this might be advantageous. "Then," says he, "get yourself ready to go with Annis;" which was the annual ship, and the only one at that time usually passing between London and Philadelphia. But it would be some months before Annis sail'd, so I continu'd working with Keimer, fretting about the money Collins had got from me, and in daily apprehensions of being call'd upon by Vernon, which, however, did not happen for some years after.

动用弗农那笔钱是我人生中最早犯下的大错之一，从这件事可以看出，我父亲当时认为我太年轻，还没有能力经营重要的事业并没有错。但威廉爵士读了我父亲的信之后，认为他太过谨慎了。各人性格迥异，谨慎的品质不一定年长的人才有，而年轻人也并非全都行事鲁莽。“既然他不肯帮你开店，”威廉爵士说，“那我来帮你吧。你把需在英国购买的东西列个清单，我派人去买。等你有能力了,再把这钱还给我，我一定要让费城有家像样的印刷店，我也相信你一定会成功的。”他说这话时非常诚恳，我一点也不怀疑他是确有此意。我要开店的计划在费城一直是个秘密，我至今也还对此守口如瓶。要是别人知道我依靠总督，也许一些更了解他的朋友会劝我不要指望他，如我后来所闻，众人皆知他爱随意许下承诺却从不兑现。但并不是我主动求他帮忙，又怎能想到他如此慷慨地提出帮我并非真心实意的呢？我当时还相信他是世界上最好的人之一呢。

我给威廉爵士列了张开家小印刷店所需物品的清单，我算了算大概需要100镑吧。他很高兴，又说如果我亲自去英国挑选铅字，确保每件物品都质量上乘是否会更好一些。他说：“那样的话，你可以在那里结交一些朋友，建立书籍和文具生意方面的往来。”我对他的话表示同意，认为这样应该是有利的。“那么，”他又说，“做好准备乘坐安妮斯号出发吧。”安妮斯号是当时唯一一艘航行于伦敦和费城之间的轮船，每年在两座城市之间往来一次。但那时离安妮斯号启航还有几个月，因此我仍旧在凯默的店里工作，心里总为柯林斯从我这儿拿走的钱烦恼，每天都担心弗农让我汇钱给他，但这事直到好几年之后才发生。

I believe I have omitted mentioning that, in my first voyage from Boston, being becalm'd off Block Island, our people set about catching cod, and hauled up a great many. Hitherto I had stuck to my resolution of not eating animal food, and on this occasion consider'd, with my master Tryon, the taking every fish as a kind of unprovoked murder, since none of them had, or ever could do us any injury that might justify the slaughter. All this seemed very reasonable. But I had formerly been a great lover of fish, and, when this came hot out of the frying-pan, it smelt admirably well. I balanc'd some time between principle and inclination, till I recollected that, when the fish were opened, I saw smaller fish taken out of their stomachs; then thought I, "If you eat one another, I don't see why we mayn't eat you." So I din'd upon cod very heartily, and continued to eat with other people, returning only now and then occasionally to a vegetable diet. So convenient a thing it is to be a reasonable creature, since it enables one to find or make a reason for everything one has a mind to do.

Keimer and I liv'd on a pretty good familiar footing, and agreed tolerably well, for he suspected nothing of my setting up. He retained a great deal of his old enthusiasms and lov'd argumentation. We therefore had many disputations. I used to work him so with my Socratic method, and had trepann'd him so often by questions apparently so distant from any point we had in hand, and yet by degrees lead to the point, and brought him into difficulties and contradictions, that at last he grew ridiculously cautious, and would hardly answer me the most common question, without asking first, "What do you intend to infer from that?" However, it gave him so high an opinion of my abilities in the confuting way, that he seriously proposed my being his colleague in a project he had of setting up a new sect. He was to preach the doctrines, and I was to confound all opponents. When he came to explain with me upon the doctrines, I found several conundrums which I objected to, unless I might have my way a little too, and introduce some of mine.

我想我忘了提一件事，在我第一次离开波士顿的旅途中，船曾因无风在布洛克岛附近停航，我们船上的人开始捕鳕鱼，捕上来许多。那时我还是坚持不沾荤腥的决定，在此情景下，我赞同我的导师特赖恩，认为每捕一条鱼就等于一次无端谋杀，因为没有哪条鱼曾经给我们造成任何伤害，它们也没有这种能力，所以我们捕鱼并没有什么正当理由。这些话似乎都很有道理。但我以前很爱吃鱼，当热气腾腾的鱼出锅时，香味四溢，非常诱人。我在原则和爱好之间徘徊了好一阵，后来想起鱼被剖开时，曾见人们从鱼肚中拿出小鱼来，于是我想，“如果你们可以互相吃掉对方，我不懂为什么我们就不能吃你们。”就这样，我津津有味地吃起鳕鱼来，后来还照样和其他人一起吃，只是偶尔才恢复食素的习惯。做一个拥有理性的生物是多么便利啊，因为不管想做什么事，他都能找到或者编造出一个理由来。

凯默和我变得熟悉起来，两人相处得还不错，因为他对我开店的计划一无所知。他很大程度上保留着以前对宗教的热忱，很喜欢论辩，因此我们曾经辩论过很多次。我常用苏格拉底的方法同他辩论，问一些与我们的论题明显风马牛不相及的问题，逐渐引入辩题，使他陷入窘境与矛盾之中，中我的圈套。后来凯默变得非常谨慎，竟到了一种可笑的地步，即使问他最普通的问题，他也会首先问我：“你想从中推出什么呢？”不过，这也让他对我的辩才大为赏识，他打算成立一个新教派时，竟郑重提出希望我做他的同事，由他来布道，我则负责反驳所有的反对者。后来他向我说明他的教义时，我发现他有一些难以理解的观点我并不赞成，除非我也可以有自己的理解，或加入一些我自己的看法。

Keimer wore his beard at full length, because somewhere in the Mosaic law it is said, "Thou shalt not mar the corners of thy beard." He likewise kept the Seventh day, Sabbath; and these two points were essentials with him. I dislik'd both; but agreed to admit them upon condition of his adopting the doctrine of using no animal food. "I doubt," said he, "my constitution will not bear that." I assur'd him it would, and that he would be the better for it. He was usually a great glutton, and I promised myself some diversion in half starving him. He agreed to try the practice, if I would keep him company. I did so, and we held it for three months. We had our victuals dress'd, and brought to us regularly by a woman in the neighborhood, who had from me a list of forty dishes to be prepar'd for us at different times, in all which there was neither fish, flesh, nor fowl, and the whim suited me the better at this time from the cheapness of it, not costing us above eighteenpence sterling each per week. I have since kept several Lents[18] most strictly, leaving the common diet for that, and that for the common, abruptly, without the least inconvenience, so that I think there is little in the advice of making those changes by easy gradations. I went on pleasantly, but poor Keimer suffered grievously, tired of the project, long'd for the flesh-pots of Egypt, and order'd a roast pig. He invited me and two women friends to dine with him; but, it being brought too soon upon table, he could not resist the temptation, and ate the whole before we came.

凯默胡子很长，因为摩西律法中有一处说过：“不可修剪胡须。”同样，他还遵守每星期第七天为安息日的习惯。这两件事对他至关重要，我却都不喜欢，只因他同意采纳不食荤腥的教义才同意将这两条也作为新教派的教义。凯默说：“我担心我的身体承受不住。”我向他保证一定承受得住，而且他的身体会因食素变得更好。他常常大吃大喝，我心里想到他半饥半饱的样子，觉得很有趣。他答应如果我和他一起的话，他也愿意尝试。我同意了，我们将这个饮食习惯保持了三个月。我们让街坊上一位妇人为我们准备食物，做好了之后给我们送来。我给她开了一张单子，上面列了40种菜式，以备更换，其中既无鱼肉，也无鸡鸭。这办法非常省钱，对此时的我来说正合适，这样我们每人每周最多只用花18便士的伙食费了。后来我曾经好几次极为严格地遵守四旬斋，不管是突然不吃普通食物改为吃斋，还是突然停止吃斋改吃普通食物，都没有任何不舒服，所以我觉得膳食的改变要循序渐进的建议并没什么可取之处。我吃素吃得很舒心，而可怜的凯默则吃尽了苦头，他厌倦了这个计划，极渴望吃埃及做法的肉，于是买了一只烤乳猪。凯默本来邀我和两位女性朋友同吃，但这烤乳猪端上桌太早，他抵挡不了诱惑，在我们赶到之前就全都吃完了。

I had made some courtship during this time to Miss Read. I had a great respect and affection for her, and had some reason to believe she had the same for me; but, as I was about to take a long voyage, and we were both very young, only a little above eighteen, it was thought most prudent by her mother to prevent our going too far at present, as a marriage, if it was to take place, would be more convenient after my return, when I should be, as I expected, set up in my business. Perhaps, too, she thought my expectations not so well founded as I imagined them to be.

My chief acquaintances at this time were Charles Osborne, Joseph Watson, and James Ralph, all lovers of reading. The two first were clerks to an eminent scrivener or conveyancer in the town, Charles Brockden; the other was clerk to a merchant. Watson was a pious, sensible young man, of great integrity; the others rather more lax in their principles of religion, particularly Ralph, who, as well as Collins, had been unsettled by me, for which they both made me suffer. Osborne was sensible, candid, frank; sincere and affectionate to his friends; but, in literary matters, too fond of criticising. Ralph was ingenious, genteel in his manners, and extremely eloquent; I think I never knew a prettier talker. Both of them great admirers of poetry, and began to try their hands in little pieces. Many pleasant walks we four had together on Sundays into the woods, near Schuylkill, where we read to one another, and conferr'd on what we read.

Ralph was inclin'd to pursue the study of poetry, not doubting but he might become eminent in it, and make his fortune by it, alleging that the best poets must, when they first began to write, make as many faults as he did. Osborne dissuaded him, assur'd him he had no genius for poetry, and advis'd him to think of nothing beyond the business he was bred to; that, in the mercantile way, tho' he had no stock, he might, by his diligence and punctuality, recommend himself to employment as a factor, and in time acquire wherewith to trade on his own account. I approv'd the amusing one's self with poetry now and then, so far as to improve one's language, but no farther.

这段时间里，我向里德小姐求爱了。我对她非常尊重和爱慕，也有理由相信她对我怀有同样的感觉。但因我不久就要出远门，而且我们都还年轻，才18岁出头，她母亲认为我俩暂时不要走得太近才更为妥当，如果考虑婚事，也要等我回来才更方便，我想那时我应该已经有了自己的事业。也许她对我的期望并不像我自己想的那样根基牢靠吧。

我当时主要交往的伙伴有查尔斯·奥斯本、约瑟夫·沃森和詹姆斯·拉尔夫，他们都热爱阅读。前两位是城上有名的公证人或者转让事务代办人查尔斯·布罗克登的书记员，另一位是一位商人的职员。沃森是个虔诚、明智的年轻人，非常正直，其他两位在宗教信仰上较为松懈，尤其是拉尔夫，他和柯林斯一样受到我的影响而信仰动摇，这也给我惹来麻烦。奥斯本明白事理，直率坦诚，对待朋友真挚亲切，但他太爱对文学作品评头论足。拉尔夫天性聪颖，举止优雅，口才出众，我想我再也找不到比他更健谈的人了。他们两人都非常热爱诗歌，也写了一些小诗试手。星期天的时候，我们四个经常一起去斯库尔基尔河附近的树林里散步，在那儿轮流朗读作品，并就其进行讨论，非常美好。

拉尔夫想要研究诗学，他毫不怀疑自己会在写诗上有所成就，并能因此致富，他断言最优秀的诗人刚开始写诗时，犯过的错误也不比他少。奥斯本劝阻他，说他并没有写诗的天赋，劝他心无旁骛地从事他的本行，这样在经商方面，即使他暂时没有资本，通过自己的勤奋和守时可靠，一定能成为代理商，再假以时日，便能独立门户。我也赞成偶尔写写诗自娱自乐，但我只是为了锤炼自己的语言，没有别的目的。

On this it was propos'd that we should each of us, at our next meeting, produce a piece of our own composing, in order to improve by our mutual observations, criticisms, and corrections. As language and expression were what we had in view, we excluded all considerations of invention by agreeing that the task should be a version of the eighteenth Psalm, which describes the descent of a Deity. When the time of our meeting drew nigh, Ralph called on me first, and let me know his piece was ready. I told him I had been busy, and, having little inclination, had done nothing. He then show'd me his piece for my opinion, and I much approv'd it, as it appear'd to me to have great merit. "Now," says he, "Osborne never will allow the least merit in any thing of mine, but makes 1000 criticisms out of mere envy. He is not so jealous of you; I wish, therefore, you would take this piece, and produce it as yours; I will pretend not to have had time, and so produce nothing. We shall then see what he will say to it." It was agreed, and I immediately transcrib'd it, that it might appear in my own hand.

We met; Watson's performance was read; there were some beauties in it, but many defects. Osborne's was read; it was much better; Ralph did it justice; remarked some faults, but applauded the beauties. He himself had nothing to produce. I was backward; seemed desirous of being excused; had not had sufficient time to correct, etc.; but no excuse could be admitted; produce I must. It was read and repeated; Watson and Osborne gave up the contest, and join'd in applauding it. Ralph only made some criticisms, and propos'd some amendments; but I defended my text. Osborne was against Ralph, and told him he was no better a critic than poet, so he dropt the argument. As they two went home together, Osborne expressed himself still more strongly in favor of what he thought my production; having restrain'd himself before, as he said, lest I should think it flattery. "But who would have imagin'd," said he, "that Franklin had been capable of such a performance; such painting, such force, such fire! He has even improv'd the original. In his common conversation he seems to have no choice of words; he hesitates and blunders; and yet, good God! how he writes!" When we next met, Ralph discovered the trick we had plaid him, and Osborne was a little laught at.

关于学习写诗一事，我们提议每人都创作一首诗，下次聚会时带来，相互品读、评论并提出修改意见，以便取得进步。鉴于诗歌的语言和表现力是我们着意提高的，因此我们一致同意改写描写神祗降临人间的《诗篇》第18章，这样我们完全不用考虑诗歌的创意。我们聚会的时间临近了，拉尔夫先来找了我，告诉我他已经把那首诗改写好了。我告诉他我很忙，也不太想写，所以还没动笔。拉尔夫把他改写的诗拿给我看，让我评论一下，我对那首诗大加赞赏，因为在我看来它很有价值。他说：“你看，奥斯本从不承认我的任何作品有一丝一毫的优点，他对我千般挑剔，这完全是出于嫉妒罢了。他对你倒是没什么嫉妒之心，所以我希望你能把这首诗当成是你写的，我呢就假装没有时间，什么也没写，我们来看看他会对这首诗作何评价吧。”我同意就这么办，于是立即把这首诗誊抄了一遍，让它看起来像出自我的手笔。

聚会的时间到了。我们首先读了沃森的作品，这首诗有些闪光之处，但也有许多缺点。然后我们读了奥斯本的诗，写得比沃森的好得多，拉尔夫对其作了公正的评价，指出了诗的一些毛病，但对其优美之处也不吝溢美之词，但他说自己什么也没有写。我有些退缩，似乎想为自己找借口，说没有足够的时间对诗进行修改等等。但是他们不听我的辩解，一定要我把诗拿出来。于是我朗读了这首诗，还重复了一遍。沃森和奥斯本自认写得不如我，退出了比赛，还齐声赞美我的诗。拉尔夫对诗稍稍作了些批评，还提出一些修改意见，而我则为自己的作品辩护。奥斯本不同意拉尔夫的看法，说他的评论和他的诗作一样平庸，于是拉尔夫就不再争辩了。他们两人一起回家时，奥斯本对“我的诗”更是大加赞赏，说先前他克制着自己，以免我觉得他在奉承我。“但谁能想到，”奥斯本说，“富兰克林能写得如此生动出色、如此掷地有声、如此激情澎湃！他写得甚至比原诗还要好！他平常谈话似乎并不讲究词句，说话支支吾吾，多有谬误，但我的天啊，他居然写得出这么好的诗！”我们第二次见面时，拉尔夫揭穿了我们开的玩笑，奥斯本被大家笑话了一番。

This transaction fixed Ralph in his resolution of becoming a poet. I did all I could to dissuade him from it, but he continued scribbling verses till Pope cured him. He became, however, a pretty good prose writer. More of him hereafter. But, as I may not have occasion again to mention the other two, I shall just remark here, that Watson died in my arms a few years after, much lamented, being the best of our set. Osborne went to the West Indies, where he became an eminent lawyer and made money, but died young. He and I had made a serious agreement, that the one who happen'd first to die should, if possible, make a friendly visit to the other, and acquaint him how he found things in that separate state. But he never fulfill'd his promise.

The governor, seeming to like my company, had me frequently to his house, and his setting me up was always mention'd as a fixed thing. I was to take with me letters recommendatory to a number of his friends, besides the letter of credit to furnish me with the necessary money for purchasing the press and types, paper, etc. For these letters I was appointed to call at different times, when they were to be ready, but a future time was still named. Thus he went on till the ship, whose departure too had been several times postponed, was on the point of sailing. Then, when I call'd to take my leave and receive the letters, his secretary, Dr. Bard, came out to me and said the governor was extremely busy in writing, but would be down at Newcastle before the ship, and there the letters would be delivered to me.

Ralph, though married, and having one child, had determined to accompany me in this voyage. It was thought he intended to establish a correspondence, and obtain goods to sell on commission; but I found afterwards, that, thro' some discontent with his wife's relations, he purposed to leave her on their hands, and never return again. Having taken leave of my friends, and interchang'd some promises with Miss Read, I left Philadelphia in the ship, which anchor'd at Newcastle. The governor was there; but when I went to his lodging, the secretary came to me from him with the civillest message in the world, that he could not then see me, being engaged in business of the utmost importance, but should send the letters to me on board, wish'd me heartily a good voyage and a speedy return, etc. I returned on board a little puzzled, but still not doubting.

这件事让拉尔夫坚定了成为诗人的决心。我竭尽所能劝他放弃，但他依然坚持写诗，直到蒲柏阻止了他。但他还是成为了一名很好的散文家。我稍后会提到更多关于他的事。但其他两位此后可能没有机会再提，所以这里要交代一下。沃森数年之后在我怀中去世了，我感到十分悲痛，认为他是我们之中最出色的一个。奥斯本去了西印度群岛，在那里成了一名杰出的律师，赚了很多钱，但英年早逝。我和他曾郑重约定，如果可能，我俩中先一步离开人世的要去友好地拜访另一位，告诉他另一个世界是什么样子。但他从未履行这个约定。

总督似乎很喜欢与我为伴，常常邀我去他的寓所，也经常向我提及帮助我开店的事，似乎这事已成定局。他答应除了给我开一封信用证明，以让我获得购买印刷机、铅字、纸张等物品所需的款项，还给我写几封推荐信给他的朋友。为了去取这些信，我按约定的时间去拜访了他好几次，但他总是往后推，再约一个靠后的时间。就这样他一直拖延着，那艘船的启程日期也推迟了好几次，直到它真要启航了，我去向总督辞行，并去取那些信件，他的秘书巴德博士出来接待了我，说总督正忙着写信，他会在那艘船抵达纽卡斯尔之前到那里，可以在那里把信交给我。

拉尔夫虽然已经成家，还有一个孩子，但他决定和我一同出海航行。我原以为他打算设立一个代理处，进货销售，从中得到佣金。但我后来发现，他是因为和妻子的亲戚关系不和，打算把妻子留给他们，自己再也不回来了。我和朋友们告了别，又和里德小姐山盟海誓了一番，然后乘船离开了费城。船停靠纽卡斯尔时，总督果然在那里，但我去他的住处拜访时，他的秘书代他出来见我，以极其客气的语气告诉我，总督正在处理极为重要的公务，不能见我，但一定会把那几封信送到船上，还衷心祝我一路顺风，早日返回等等。我回到船上，心里有些不解，但还是没有产生怀疑。

Mr. Andrew Hamilton, a famous lawyer of Philadelphia, had taken passage in the same ship for himself and son, and with Mr. Denham, a Quaker merchant, and Messrs. Onion and Russel, masters of an iron work in Maryland, had engag'd the great cabin; so that Ralph and I were forced to take up with a berth in the steerage, and none on board knowing us, were considered as ordinary persons. But Mr. Hamilton and his son (it was James, since governor) return'd from Newcastle to Philadelphia, the father being recall'd by a great fee to plead for a seized ship; and, just before we sail'd, Colonel French coming on board, and showing me great respect, I was more taken notice of, and, with my friend Ralph, invited by the other gentlemen to come into the cabin, there being now room. Accordingly, we remov'd thither.

Understanding that Colonel French had brought on board the governor's despatches, I ask'd the captain for those letters that were to be under my care. He said all were put into the bag together and he could not then come at them; but, before we landed in England, I should have an opportunity of picking them out; so I was satisfied for the present, and we proceeded on our voyage. We had a sociable company in the cabin, and lived uncommonly well, having the addition of all Mr. Hamilton's stores, who had laid in plentifully. In this passage Mr. Denham contracted a friendship for me that continued during his life. The voyage was otherwise not a pleasant one, as we had a great deal of bad weather.

费城一位著名律师安德鲁·汉密尔顿先生和他的儿子也在这艘船上，还有一位贵格会商人德纳姆先生，以及马里兰一家铸铁厂的厂主奥尼恩先生和罗素先生，他们几个包下了头等舱，因此我和拉尔夫只得在末等舱里找个铺位。船上没有人认识我们，人们只把我们当成普通人罢了。但汉密尔顿先生和他的儿子（名叫詹姆斯，后来当了总督）从纽卡斯尔又回了费城，因为汉密尔顿先生被人用重金请回去为一艘被扣留的船作辩护。船快开的时候，弗伦奇上校上了船，对我尊敬有加，人们这才对我多加注意，其他绅士请我和拉尔夫搬去头等舱，因为恰好有地方空出来了。于是，我们就搬到了头等舱。

我以为弗伦奇上校把总督的信件带上船了，于是就去找船长要那些将由我保管的信。船长说所有信件都放在信件袋里了，一时取不出来，但我们抵达英国前，我会有机会把它们拣出来。于是我暂时安了心，继续我们的行程。我们在船舱里聊得很愉快，船上的生活也很好，因为汉密尔顿先生把他为此次航行储备的所有东西都留了下来，非常丰富。这次航行让我和德纳姆先生成了朋友，我们的友谊一直持续到他去世为止。但从另一方面看，这次航行也并不愉快，因为很多时候天气都很糟糕。

When we came into the Channel, the captain kept his word with me, and gave me an opportunity of examining the bag for the governor's letters. I found none upon which my name was put as under my care. I picked out six or seven, that, by the handwriting, I thought might be the promised letters, especially as one of them was directed to Basket, the king's printer, and another to some stationer. We arriv'd in London the 24th of December, 1724. I waited upon the stationer, who came first in my way, delivering the letter as from Governor Keith. "I don't know such a person," says he; but, opening the letter, "O! This is from Riddlesden. I have lately found him to be a compleat rascal, and I will have nothing to do with him, nor receive any letters from him." So, putting the letter into my hand, he turn'd on his heel and left me to serve some customer. I was surprized to find these were not the governor's letters; and, after recollecting and comparing circumstances, I began to doubt his sincerity. I found my friend Denham, and opened the whole affair to him. He let me into Keith's character; told me there was not the least probability that he had written any letters for me; that no one, who knew him, had the smallest dependence on him; and he laught at the notion of the governor's giving me a letter of credit, having, as he said, no credit to give. On my expressing some concern about what I should do, he advised me to endeavor getting some employment in the way of my business. "Among the printers here," said he, "you will improve yourself, and when you return to America, you will set up to greater advantage."

We both of us happen'd to know, as well as the stationer, that Riddlesden, the attorney, was a very knave. He had half ruin'd Miss Read's father by persuading him to be bound for him. By this letter it appear'd there was a secret scheme on foot to the prejudice of Hamilton (suppos'd to be then coming over with us); and that Keith was concerned in it with Riddlesden. Denham, who was a friend of Hamilton's thought he ought to be acquainted with it; so, when he arriv'd in England, which was soon after, partly from resentment and ill-will to Keith and Riddlesden, and partly from good-will to him, I waited on him, and gave him the letter. He thank'd me cordially, the information being of importance to him; and from that time he became my friend, greatly to my advantage afterwards on many occasions.

我们的船驶入英吉利海峡后，船长遵守和我的约定，给了我一次机会，让我从信件袋里取出总督的信。我并未发现署名由我保管的信。我从中挑了六七封出来，从信封上的笔迹推测应该是承诺为我写的信，特别是其中有一封是写给英国皇家印刷所巴斯克特的，还有一封是写给某位文具商的。我们于1724年12月24日抵达伦敦。因为顺路，我先去拜访了那位文具商，把基思总督的信交给他。“我不认识这样一个人”，那位文具商说道，但打开信之后，又说，“哦，是那个里德斯登写来的。我最近发现他完全是个骗子，我不会跟他有任何往来了，也不会再收他任何信件。”就这样，他把信交还给我，转身去招呼别的顾客了。我非常惊讶地发现这不是总督写的信。经过仔细回想，认真比较前后发生的事，我开始怀疑总督的诚意了。我找到我的朋友德纳姆先生，把整件事一五一十地告诉了他。德纳姆先生和我讲了基思总督的为人，说他是绝无可能给我写什么推荐信的，还说了解基思的人里没有谁会信赖他。听说基思总督给了我一封信用证明，德纳姆先生笑了，说基思自己连信用都不能保证。我表达了自己的忧虑，不知该怎么办，德纳姆先生建议我尽力在这里的印刷店找个活儿干，他说：“通过在这里的印刷店里干活，你能够提高自己，等你回美洲了，开起店来也更有优势。”

我和德纳姆先生像那位文具商一样，知道那个里德斯登律师是个十足的骗子。他曾骗得里德小姐的父亲和他立约，使她父亲几乎破产。从这封信来看，似乎有人在密谋陷害汉密尔顿（他本来是要和我们一起来英国的），而基思也与里德斯登一起参与其中。德纳姆先生是汉密尔顿的朋友，认为应把这件事告知汉密尔顿。因此过了不久，当汉密尔顿先生来到英国时，我去拜访了他，将这封信交给了他，这一半是出于我对基思和里德斯登的憎恶，一半是出于对汉密尔顿先生的好意。汉密尔顿先生衷心地感谢了我，说这一消息对他非常重要。从此，他成了我的朋友，后来多次给我很大帮助。

But what shall we think of a governor's playing such pitiful tricks, and imposing so grossly on a poor ignorant boy! It was a habit he had acquired. He wish'd to please everybody; and, having little to give, he gave expectations. He was otherwise an ingenious, sensible man, a pretty good writer, and a good governor for the people, tho' not for his constituents, the proprietaries, whose instructions he sometimes disregarded. Several of our best laws were of his planning and passed during his administration.

Ralph and I were inseparable companions. We took lodgings together in Little Britain at three shillings and sixpence a week—as much as we could then afford. He found some relations, but they were poor, and unable to assist him. He now let me know his intentions of remaining in London, and that he never meant to return to Philadelphia. He had brought no money with him, the whole he could muster having been expended in paying his passage. I had fifteen pistoles[19]; so he borrowed occasionally of me to subsist, while he was looking out for business. He first endeavored to get into the playhouse, believing himself qualify'd for an actor; but Wilkes, to whom he apply'd, advis'd him candidly not to think of that employment, as it was impossible he should succeed in it. Then he propos'd to Roberts, a publisher in Paternoster Row, to write for him a weekly paper like the Spectator, on certain conditions, which Roberts did not approve. Then he endeavored to get employment as a hackney writer, to copy for the stationers and lawyers about the Temple, but could find no vacancy.

I immediately got into work at Palmer's, then a famous printing-house in Bartholomew Close, and here I continu'd near a year. I was pretty diligent, but spent with Ralph a good deal of my earnings in going to plays and other places of amusement. We had together consumed all my pistoles, and now just rubbed on from hand to mouth. He seem'd quite to forget his wife and child, and I, by degrees, my engagements with Miss Read, to whom I never wrote more than one letter, and that was to let her know I was not likely soon to return. This was another of the great errata of my life, which I should wish to correct if I were to live it over again. In fact, by our expenses, I was constantly kept unable to pay my passage.

但一位总督竟然玩这种可憎的把戏，如此卑鄙地陷害一个可怜无知的少年，我们又该作何感想呢！这是他已经养成的习惯，他希望取悦每一个人，但又没什么可赠与的，于是就空口给出许诺。但另一方面，他天资聪颖，通情达理，写得一手好文章，对于人民来说也是一个好总督，尽管对他的选民——殖民地领主来说并非如此，因为他有时会忽视他们的意见。我们一些最公正的法律就是由他规划制定，并在他的任期内通过的。

我和拉尔夫成了形影不离的朋友。我们在小不列颠街住了下来，住宿费为每周3先令6便士——这是我们当时出得起的最高价格了。拉尔夫找到一些亲戚，但他们也很穷，帮不了他。这时他告诉我他打算留在伦敦，再也不回费城了。拉尔夫没有带钱来，筹到的所有钱都已用作旅费了。我有15个皮斯托尔，所以他在外找活儿干时，有时会向我借钱维持生活。一开始他想进入戏院，认为自己够格当一名演员，但他向威尔克斯申请戏院的工作时，威尔克斯坦白地告诉他不要作此打算了，他不可能成功的。后来他又联系了帕特诺斯特街上一位叫罗伯茨的出版商，自荐为他编《旁观者》那样的周报，但罗伯茨没有答应他提出的某些条件。随后拉尔夫还想找文员的工作，为圣殿教堂附近的文具商和律师抄写东西，但也没找到。

我很快就在帕尔默印刷所找到了工作。那是巴塞洛缪巷上一家著名的印刷所，我在那里干了将近一年。我干活儿很勤快，但我收入中的很大一部分都花在和拉尔夫一起去看戏或者去其他娱乐场所了。我们还一起花完了我那15个皮斯托尔，当时的收入仅能糊口而已。他似乎已经忘了自己的妻儿，而我，也渐渐不记得和里德小姐的约定了，我只给她写过一封信，而且是告诉她我不会很快回去。这是我人生中的又一大错误，如果能够从头再来，我希望能改正这个错误。事实上，因为我们花钱大手大脚，我一直没钱支付回程的旅费。

At Palmer's I was employed in composing for the second edition of Wollaston's "Religion of Nature." Some of his reasonings not appearing to me well founded, I wrote a little metaphysical piece in which I made remarks on them. It was entitled "A Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure and Pain." I inscribed it to my friend Ralph; I printed a small number. It occasion'd my being more consider'd by Mr. Palmer as a young man of some ingenuity, tho' he seriously expostulated with me upon the principles of my pamphlet, which to him appear'd abominable. My printing this pamphlet was another erratum. While I lodg'd in Little Britain, I made an acquaintance with one Wilcox, a bookseller, whose shop was at the next door. He had an immense collection of second-hand books. Circulating libraries were not then in use; but we agreed that, on certain reasonable terms, which I have now forgotten, I might take, read, and return any of his books. This I esteem'd a great advantage, and I made as much use of it as I could.

My pamphlet by some means falling into the hands of one Lyons, a surgeon, author of a book entitled "The Infallibility of Human Judgment," it occasioned an acquaintance between us. He took great notice of me, called on me often to converse on those subjects, carried me to the Horns, a pale alehouse in — Lane, Cheapside, and introduced me to Dr. Mandeville[20], author of the "Fable of the Bees," who had a club there, of which he was the soul, being a most facetious, entertaining companion. Lyons, too, introduced me to Dr. Pemberton, at Batson's Coffee-house, who promis'd to give me an opportunity, some time or other, of seeing Sir Isaac Newton, of which I was extreamely desirous; but this never happened.

I had brought over a few curiosities, among which the principal was a purse made of the asbestos, which purifies by fire. Sir Hans Sloane heard of it, came to see me, and invited me to his house in Bloomsbury Square, where he show'd me all his curiosities, and persuaded me to let him add that to the number, for which he paid me handsomely.

在帕尔默印刷所，我当时在为沃拉斯顿的《自然宗教》的第二版排版。我认为他的一些推理并没有充分的论据，于是写了一篇简短的哲学论文对其进行评论，文章名字叫《论自由与穷困、快乐与痛苦》。我把这篇文章题赠给我的朋友拉尔夫，还印刷了若干份。这使帕尔默先生对我稍加重视了，认为我是一个有些天分的年轻人，尽管他严肃地跟我争辩小册子里的那些观点，它们在他看来很是可恶。印刷这本小册子是我的又一大错误。我在小不列颠街寄住时，认识了一个叫威尔科克斯的书商，他的书店就在我住所的隔壁。他收集了大量旧书，当时还没有流通图书馆，但我们约定，我付一笔合理的费用后——具体数目我已经忘了——我可以借阅他的任何书籍，读完后归还。这在我看来是个极大的好处，于是就极尽所能地加以利用。

我的小册子辗转到了一位叫莱昂斯的外科医生手里，他写了一本书，叫做《人类判断的正确性》，我们因此结识了。他对我非常重视，经常前来拜访，并就某些问题和我展开讨论。莱昂斯还带我去了齐普赛街某条巷子里一家叫“霍恩斯”的酒馆，把我介绍给《蜜蜂的寓言》一书的作者曼德维尔博士。曼德维尔博士幽默风趣，在这家酒馆有个俱乐部，他是俱乐部的灵魂人物。在巴特森咖啡馆，莱昂斯又把我介绍给了彭伯顿博士，他答应我过些时候找个机会带我去见见艾萨克·牛顿爵士，我极希望能有这个机会，但从未实现。

我从美洲带来了几件珍品，其中为首的一件是一个石棉制成的钱包，经火烧后能变干净。汉斯·斯隆爵士听说后来见我，邀请我去他在布卢姆斯伯里广场的寓所，向我展示了他收藏的所有珍宝，劝说我把那个钱包让给他，以增加他的藏品，他为此付给了我一大笔钱。

In our house there lodg'd a young woman, a milliner, who, I think, had a shop in the Cloisters. She had been genteelly bred, was sensible and lively, and of most pleasing conversation. Ralph read plays to her in the evenings, they grew intimate, she took another lodging, and he followed her. They liv'd together some time; but, he being still out of business, and her income not sufficient to maintain them with her child, he took a resolution of going from London, to try for a country school, which he thought himself well qualified to undertake, as he wrote an excellent hand, and was a master of arithmetic and accounts. This, however, he deemed a business below him, and confident of future better fortune, when he should be unwilling to have it known that he once was so meanly employed, he changed his name, and did me the honor to assume mine; for I soon after had a letter from him, acquainting me that he was settled in a small village (in Berkshire, I think it was, where he taught reading and writing to ten or a dozen boys, at sixpence each per week), recommending Mrs. T— to my care, and desiring me to write to him, directing for Mr. Franklin, schoolmaster, at such a place.

He continued to write frequently, sending me large specimens of an epic poem which he was then composing, and desiring my remarks and corrections. These I gave him from time to time, but endeavor'd rather to discourage his proceeding. One of Young's[21] Satires was then just published. I copy'd and sent him a great part of it, which set in a strong light the folly of pursuing the Muses with any hope of advancement by them. All was in vain; sheets of the poem continued to come by every post. In the mean time, Mrs. T—, having on his account lost her friends and business, was often in distresses, and us'd to send for me, and borrow what I could spare to help her out of them. I grew fond of her company, and, being at that time under no religious restraint, and presuming upon my importance to her, I attempted familiarities (another erratum) which she repuls'd with a proper resentment, and acquainted him with my behaviour. This made a breach between us; and, when he returned again to London, he let me know he thought I had cancell'd all the obligations he had been under to me. So I found I was never to expect his repaying me what I lent to him, or advanc'd for him. This, however, was not then of much consequence, as he was totally unable; and in the loss of his friendship I found myself relieved from a burthen. I now began to think of getting a little money beforehand, and, expecting better work, I left Palmer's to work at Watts's, near Lincoln's Inn Fields, a still greater printing-house. Here I continued all the rest of my stay in London.

我们的寓所里还住着一位年轻妇女，是个做帽子生意的，我想她在修道院附近有家店面。她修养很好，知书达理，聪颖敏慧，和她谈话非常愉快。晚上的时候，拉尔夫会朗读剧本给她听，他们的关系逐渐亲密起来。她另找了住处，拉尔夫也跟着搬了过去，他们同居了一段时间。但由于拉尔夫还是没有找到工作，而她的收入也不足以维持他们两人还有她的孩子的生活，拉尔夫决心离开伦敦去一所乡下学校教书，他认为自己完全能胜任那份工作，因为他写得一手好字，又精通算术和会计。但他认为自己做那份工作太大材小用了，他相信自己将来定能有所成就，到那时不想让别人知道他曾经干过这么卑微的活儿，就改换了姓名，使用了我的名字，很给我面子。因为过了不久，我收到拉尔夫的一封来信，告诉我他住在一个小村子（我想是在伯克郡，他在那儿为10到12个孩子教授阅读和写作，每人每周6便士学费），他还托我照顾一位T夫人，并希望我给他写信，把信按所给地址寄给教师富兰克林先生。

拉尔夫还是经常给我写信，还把他写的长篇史诗寄给我，请我加以评论和修改。我修改过好几次，但也试图说服他不要继续写下去了。当时杨的一部讽刺诗刚出版不久，这首诗语词激烈地指出，抱着在诗歌创作上取得进步的希望继续写诗，继续追逐诗神缪斯的行为是愚蠢的，于是我把这首诗的大部分誊抄下来，寄给了他。但一切都是徒劳，他每次写信，还是会把自己一页页的诗稿一同寄来。这时，那位T夫人因为拉尔夫已经众叛亲离，丢了买卖，常常陷于穷困中，因此她经常叫我去看她，还问我借我手头上多余的钱来救急。我慢慢地喜欢上和她在一起，当时也没有宗教的约束，又仗着自己对她很重要，试图和她发展更亲密的关系（又一个大错）。她相当愤怒地拒绝了，然后把这件事告诉了拉尔夫，这使我们之间的友谊破裂了。拉尔夫回到伦敦后，说他认为我的行为已使他将他先前受之于我的恩惠一笔勾销。于是我明白，我再也不要指望他会把借给他和替他垫付的钱还给我了。但当时，这对我来说并没多大影响，因为他本来就没有能力还钱，而且没了他这个朋友，我觉得自己反而少了个负担。这时，我开始打算先攒点儿钱，而且也希望得到一份更好的工作，于是我离开了帕尔默印刷所，来到林肯因河广场附近的沃茨印刷所工作。这家印刷所规模要更大一些，我后来一直在这里工作，直到离开伦敦。

At my first admission into this printing-house I took to working at press, imagining I felt a want of the bodily exercise I had been us'd to in America, where presswork is mix'd with composing. I drank only water; the other workmen, near fifty in number, were great guzzlers of beer. On occasion, I carried up and down stairs a large form of types in each hand, when others carried but one in both hands. They wondered to see, from this and several instances, that the Water-American, as they called me, was stronger than themselves, who drank strong beer! We had an alehouse boy who attended always in the house to supply the workmen. My companion at the press drank every day a pint[22] before breakfast, a pint at breakfast with his bread and cheese, a pint between breakfast and dinner, a pint at dinner, a pint in the afternoon about six o'clock, and another when he had done his day's work. I thought it a detestable custom; but it was necessary, he suppos'd, to drink strong beer, that he might be strong to labor. I endeavored to convince him that the bodily strength afforded by beer could only be in proportion to the grain or flour of the barley dissolved in the water of which it was made; that there was more flour in a pennyworth of bread; and therefore, if he would eat that with a pint of water, it would give him more strength than a quart of beer. He drank on, however, and had four or five shillings to pay out of his wages every Saturday night for that muddling liquor; an expense I was free from. And thus these poor devils keep themselves always under.

Watts, after some weeks, desiring to have me in the composing-room, I left the pressmen; a new bien venu or sum for drink, being five shillings, was demanded of me by the compositors. I thought it an imposition, as I had paid below; the master thought so too, and forbad my paying it. I stood out two or three weeks, was accordingly considered as an excommunicate, and had so many little pieces of private mischief done me, by mixing my sorts, transposing my pages, breaking my matter, etc., etc., if I were ever so little out of the room, and all ascribed to the chappel ghost, which they said ever haunted those not regularly admitted, that, notwithstanding the master's protection, I found myself oblig'd to comply and pay the money, convinc'd of the folly of being on ill terms with those one is to live with continually.

初进这家印刷所时，我在印刷机旁工作。我当时觉得缺乏身体锻炼，因为原来在美洲的时候，操作印刷机和排版的工作是在一块儿的，我已经习惯了那种劳作。我平时只喝水，而其他工人，有近50人，全都嗜饮啤酒。有时候，我上下楼梯时两只手各拿一大版铅字，而其他人双手才能捧住一版。从这件事还有其他一些例子中，他们很惊讶地发现，只喝水的美洲人——他们是这么叫我的——比喝浓啤酒的他们还要强壮！有个酒馆的孩子一直给我们印刷店的工人送酒。与我同在印刷机旁工作的伙伴每天早餐前要喝一品脱酒，早餐时就着面包和奶酪要喝一品脱酒，早餐和午餐之间要喝一品脱，午餐时喝一品脱，下午六点左右喝一品脱，一天工作结束时还要再喝一品脱。我觉得这是个恶习，但他认为喝浓啤酒十分必要，因为这样他才有力气工作。我试图说服他，说啤酒给人提供的体力与其原材料——溶解在水中的大麦粒或大麦粉——成正比，价值一便士的面包里有更多面粉，因此，他吃块面包再喝一品脱水所能获得的体力比喝一夸脱啤酒还要多。但他还是坚持喝酒，每周六晚上都要从工资里拿出四五个先令去买那浑浊的液体，而我就不用花这笔钱。就这样，这些可怜鬼就让自己一直这么穷困潦倒。

几个星期以后，沃茨希望我去排版室工作，于是我告别了这些印刷工人。新到排版室，排字工人们让我出五先令的入室费或说是酒钱，我觉得这是敲我的竹杠，因为我原先已经出过了。老板也这么认为，就不让我出这笔钱。我坚持了两三个星期没交，于是就被他们当成了圈外人，私下里对我做了许多小恶作剧。我要是出去一小会儿，他们就会弄乱我的铅字，颠倒页码，破坏我的物品等等，然后把这一切都归咎于教堂里的鬼魂，说这些鬼魂就是爱萦绕在那些不按规矩交纳入室费的人周围。因此，虽然有老板的保护，我发现自己不得不遵从他们，出这笔钱，我也从中意识到，和自己要长期相处的人关系闹得很僵是件愚蠢的事。

I was now on a fair footing with them, and soon acquir'd considerable influence. I propos'd some reasonable alterations in their chappel laws, and carried them against all opposition. From my example, a great part of them left their muddling breakfast of beer, and bread, and cheese, finding they could with me be suppli'd from a neighboring house with a large porringer of hot water-gruel, sprinkled with pepper, crumbl'd with bread, and a bit of butter in it, for the price of a pint of beer, viz., three half-pence. This was a more comfortable as well as cheaper breakfast, and kept their heads clearer. Those who continued sotting with beer all day, were often, by not paying, out of credit at the alehouse, and us'd to make interest with me to get beer; their light, as they phrased it, being out. I watch'd the pay-table on Saturday night, and collected what I stood engag'd for them, having to pay sometimes near thirty shillings a week on their account. This, and my being esteem'd a pretty good riggite, that is, a jocular verbal satirist, supported my consequence in the society. My constant attendance (I never making a St. Monday[23]) recommended me to the master; and my uncommon quickness at composing occasioned my being put upon all work of dispatch, which was generally better paid. So I went on now very agreeably.

后来，我和他们的关系相当不错，没多久就在他们中间获得了很大的影响力。我对他们的印刷所规矩提出了一些合理修改，并驳倒了一切反对意见使它们得以通过。很多人以我为榜样，不再把啤酒、面包和奶酪混在一起当早餐，而是和我一样从隔壁商店里买一大碗热气腾腾的稀粥，撒上点胡椒粉，再加上碎面包，涂点黄油，加起来才一品脱啤酒的价钱，也就是一个半便士。这样的早餐吃起来更舒服，也更便宜，还能保持头脑清醒。那些仍然整天酗饮啤酒的，经常因为付不起账，在酒店失去了信用而赊不到酒，就来找我以付利息为前提借钱买啤酒，按照他们的说法，他们已经能量耗尽黯淡无光了。星期六晚上，我就查阅工资表，把他们欠我的钱收齐，有时候我一周得替他们垫付将近30先令呢。因为这个原因，加上人们认为我是一个幽默诙谐的讽刺家，我在他们之中的地位越来越高。我工作始终保持全勤（从不休圣星期一），老板对此非常赞赏，而且我排版速度非常快，因此所有的急件都交给我做，这种活儿的报酬一般会高一些。因此这时我的日子过得很舒服。

My lodging in Little Britain being too remote, I found another in Duke-street, opposite to the Romish Chapel. It was two pair of stairs backwards, at an Italian warehouse. A widow lady kept the house; she had a daughter, and a maid servant, and a journeyman who attended the warehouse, but lodg'd abroad. After sending to inquire my character at the house where I last lodg'd she agreed to take me in at the same rate, 3s. 6d. per week; cheaper, as she said, from the protection she expected in having a man lodge in the house. She was a widow, an elderly woman; had been bred a Protestant, being a clergyman's daughter, but was converted to the Catholic religion by her husband, whose memory she much revered; had lived much among people of distinction, and knew a thousand anecdotes of them as far back as the times of Charles the Second. She was lame in her knees with the gout, and, therefore, seldom stirred out of her room, so sometimes wanted company; and hers was so highly amusing to me, that I was sure to spend an evening with her whenever she desired it. Our supper was only half an anchovy each, on a very little strip of bread and butter, and half a pint of ale between us; but the entertainment was in her conversation. My always keeping good hours, and giving little trouble in the family, made her unwilling to part with me; so that, when I talk'd of a lodging I had heard of, nearer my business, for two shillings a week, which, intent as I now was on saving money, made some difference, she bid me not think of it, for she would abate me two shillings a week for the future; so I remained with her at one shilling and sixpence as long as I staid in London.

In a garret of her house there lived a maiden lady of seventy, in the most retired manner, of whom my landlady gave me this account: that she was a Roman Catholic, had been sent abroad when young, and lodg'd in a nunnery with an intent of becoming a nun; but, the country not agreeing with her, she returned to England, where, there being no nunnery, she had vow'd to lead the life of a nun, as near as might be done in those circumstances. Accordingly, she had given all her estate to charitable uses, reserving only twelve pounds a year to live on, and out of this sum she still gave a great deal in charity, living herself on water-gruel only, and using no fire but to boil it. She had lived many years in that garret, being permitted to remain there gratis by successive Catholic tenants of the house below, as they deemed it a blessing to have her there. A priest visited her to confess her every day. "I have ask'd her," says my landlady, "how she, as she liv'd, could possibly find so much employment for a confessor?" "Oh," said she, "it is impossible to avoid vain thoughts." I was permitted once to visit her, She was chearful and polite, and convers'd pleasantly. The room was clean, but had no other furniture than a matras, a table with a crucifix and book, a stool which she gave me to sit on, and a picture over the chimney of Saint Veronica[24] displaying her handkerchief, with the miraculous figure of Christ's bleeding face on it, which she explained to me with great seriousness. She look'd pale, but was never sick; and I give it as another instance on how small an income life and health may be supported.

我在小不列颠街的住处离印刷所太远了，于是就在公爵街另找了一处住所，正对着罗马教堂，在一家意大利仓库背后的三层楼上。一位寡妇守着这房子，她有个女儿和一个女仆，还有个工人照看仓库，但他住在外面。这位妇人派人去我上家寄宿的地方了解了我的人品之后，同意我以同样的价格在她这儿寄宿，即每周3先令6便士。她说这租金比较低廉，因为她指望有个男人住在这屋里，可以保护她们。她是个寡妇，又上了岁数，曾接受过新教教育，因为她父亲是个牧师，但后来随着丈夫改信了天主教，现在对逝去的丈夫依然怀念敬重。她从前结交的都是知名人士，知道他们的许多趣闻轶事，有些轶闻甚至要追溯到查理二世时期呢。她膝部患了痛风，腿脚不便，极少离开卧室，因此有时需要人陪伴。和她在一起很有意思，所以只要她需要，我一定陪她一晚上。我们晚餐只各吃半条凤尾鱼，加上一小条抹了黄油的面包，再各喝半品脱啤酒，但乐趣却在于和她交谈。我总是早睡早起，生活规律，没给她家添什么麻烦，因此她不想让我离开。后来我听说离印刷所更近的地方能以每周两先令的价格租到房子，当时我一心攒钱，这差价对我来说不是小数。我提到要搬到那儿去住时，她让我不要做此打算，她以后从我的租金中减去两先令就是了。就这样，我一直住在她那里，每周1先令6便士，直到离开伦敦。

她房子的阁楼上住着一位70岁的老处女，深居简出，我的房东给我讲了以下这个故事：她信仰天主教，年轻时被送去国外，住在一家修道院里立志成为修女，但在当地水土不服，只好回到英国。可英国没有修道院，她已立誓要过修女的生活，在这样的环境下也要使自己的生活尽可能与修女的生活接近。因此，她把自己的全部财产都用于了慈善目的，只给自己留下每年12英镑的生活费，就连这12英镑，也还要从中拿出许多用于救济施舍。她自己只喝稀粥，除了煮粥以外从不生火。她在那个阁楼上生活了很多年，一位又一位的天主教租户都不要她交房租，他们认为她住在那里，是会带来福气的。一位牧师每天都来拜访她，听她忏悔。我的房东说：“我曾问过她，像她这样生活，怎会需要经常向人忏悔呢？”她答道：“哦，有些毫无意义的想法总是难以避免啊。”有一次，我得到允许前去拜访她，她很高兴，待我彬彬有礼，和我愉快地交谈。她的房间干净整洁，没有什么家具，只有一个垫子，一张放着十字架和书的桌子，还有张她给我坐的凳子。阁楼烟囱上挂着圣维罗妮卡展示手帕的画像，那手帕上是耶稣满脸流血的奇异情景，她还郑重其事地把这画的含义解释给我听。她面色苍白，但从不生病，我把她当成又一个实例：微薄的收入一样可以维持生活，并保持健康的身体。

At Watts's printing-house I contracted an acquaintance with an ingenious young man, one Wygate, who, having wealthy relations, had been better educated than most printers; was a tolerable Latinist, spoke French, and lov'd reading. I taught him and a friend of his to swim at twice going into the river, and they soon became good swimmers. They introduc'd me to some gentlemen from the country, who went to Chelsea by water to see the College and Don Saltero's[25] curiosities. In our return, at the request of the company, whose curiosity Wygate had excited, I stripped and leaped into the river, and swam from near Chelsea to Blackfryar's, performing on the way many feats of activity, both upon and under water, that surpris'd and pleas'd those to whom they were novelties.

I had from a child been ever delighted with this exercise, had studied and practis'd all Thevenot's motions and positions, added some of my own, aiming at the graceful and easy as well as the useful. All these I took this occasion of exhibiting to the company, and was much flatter'd by their admiration; and Wygate, who was desirous of becoming a master, grew more and more attach'd to me on that account, as well as from the similarity of our studies. He at length proposed to me travelling all over Europe together, supporting ourselves everywhere by working at our business. I was once inclined to it; but, mentioning it to my good friend Mr. Denham, with whom I often spent an hour when I had leisure, he dissuaded me from it, advising me to think only of returning to Pennsilvania, which he was now about to do.

在沃茨印刷所，我结识了一位机灵聪颖的年轻人，叫瓦格特。他有很富有的亲戚，因此所受教育比大多数印刷工都要好一些，拉丁文还不错，还会说法语，热爱阅读。我曾教他和他的一个朋友在河里游泳，只教了两次，他们很快就游得很好了。他们介绍我认识了乡下的一些绅士，这些绅士是乘船去切尔西参观学院和唐·索尔特洛咖啡馆的珍玩的。在我们回来的路上，瓦格特激发了大家对我游泳的好奇心，于是应他们的要求，我脱掉衣服，跳入河中，从切尔西附近一直游到布莱克法尔。一路上展示了许多游泳的花样，时而浮在河面，时而潜入水中，这在他们看来很新奇，感到又惊讶又开心。

我从小就喜爱游泳这项运动，曾经学习和练习过戴丰乐所有的动作和姿势，还加入了一些自己的动作，希望既能做到实用，又能姿势优美、来去自如。我利用这个机会把这些都表演给大家看，他们对此赞赏不已，我也感到非常满足。瓦格特希望能成为游泳好手，加上我俩的知识背景非常相似，他与我的关系日益密切了。后来，瓦格特提议我们一起周游欧洲，在各地印刷店工作以维持生活。我一度颇为动心，但当我把这个计划告诉了我的好朋友德纳姆先生后——我一闲下来就常常去和他聊天——他劝我不要去，建议我只考虑回宾夕法尼亚的事，他当时也要回去了。

I must record one trait of this good man's character. He had formerly been in business at Bristol, but failed in debt to a number of people, compounded and went to America. There, by a close application to business as a merchant, he acquir'd a plentiful fortune in a few years. Returning to England in the ship with me, he invited his old creditors to an entertainment, at which he thank'd them for the easy composition they had favored him with, and, when they expected nothing but the treat, every man at the first remove found under his plate an order on a banker for the full amount of the unpaid remainder with interest.

He now told me he was about to return to Philadelphia, and should carry over a great quantity of goods in order to open a store there. He propos'd to take me over as his clerk, to keep his books, in which he would instruct me, copy his letters, and attend the store. He added that, as soon as I should be acquainted with mercantile business, he would promote me by sending me with a cargo of flour and bread, etc., to the West Indies, and procure me commissions from others which would be profitable; and, if I manag'd well, would establish me handsomely. The thing pleas'd me; for I was grown tired of London, remembered with pleasure the happy months I had spent in Pennsylvania, and wish'd again to see it; therefore I immediately agreed on the terms of fifty pounds a year, Pennsylvania money; less, indeed, than my present gettings as a compositor, but affording a better prospect.

我得记下反映出德纳姆先生这位好人的品质的一则轶事。他以前在布里斯托尔做生意，但生意失败了，欠了很多人钱，好歹还上了一些之后，就去了美洲。他在那儿一心一意地经商，只几年的工夫就积累了很大一笔财富。和我同船回到英国之后，德纳姆先生邀请了所有他昔日的债主前来赴宴。席间，他对当年他们没有向他催讨欠款表示了感谢，而债主们除了一顿大餐之外也并无其他期待，但当他们刚一移动碗盘时，却发现所有人的盘子下都放着一张银行支票，除了将当年的欠款完全付清之外，还支付了利息。

德纳姆先生当时告诉我，他要回费城了，还要带大量货物回去在那儿开店。他提出让我当他的职员，负责管理账簿（这点他可以教我）、抄写信件，还有照管店铺。他还说，等我了解如何经商后，他就提拔我，派我带着一船面粉和面包等去西印度群岛，并使我从其他有利可图的方面得到佣金，如果我经营得当的话，我能积累很大一笔财富。这让我非常高兴，因为我已经厌倦了伦敦，回想在宾夕法尼亚那快乐的日子时总是备感愉悦，希望能够再回到那里。于是我立即接受了这一职位，每年工资为50镑宾夕法尼亚货币，这比我当时当排版工挣的的确要少，但前景要更好一些。

I now took leave of printing, as I thought, for ever, and was daily employed in my new business, going about with Mr. Denham among the tradesmen to purchase various articles, and seeing them pack'd up, doing errands, calling upon workmen to dispatch, etc.; and, when all was on board, I had a few days' leisure. On one of these days, I was, to my surprise, sent for by a great man I knew only by name, a Sir William Wyndham, and I waited upon him. He had heard by some means or other of my swimming from Chelsea to Blackfriar's, and of my teaching Wygate and another young man to swim in a few hours. He had two sons, about to set out on their travels; he wish'd to have them first taught swimming, and proposed to gratify me handsomely if I would teach them. They were not yet come to town, and my stay was uncertain, so I could not undertake it; but, from this incident, I thought it likely that, if I were to remain in England and open a swimming-school, I might get a good deal of money; and it struck me so strongly, that, had the overture been sooner made me, probably I should not so soon have returned to America. After many years, you and I had something of more importance to do with one of these sons of Sir William Wyndham, become Earl of Egremont, which I shall mention in its place.

那时我就离开了印刷业，我想是永远离开了这一行。我每天都忙于新的差事，与德纳姆先生一起来往于各色生意人之中，采购各类商品，亲自监督他们包装，外出办事，找工人发送货物等等，待所有货物都上船之后，我还能歇息几天。其中某一天，有位我只闻其名、并未谋面的大人物——威廉·温德姆爵士派人来找我，让我非常惊讶，于是我去拜访了他。他不知从哪里听说了我从切尔西游泳游到布莱克法尔，还在几个小时里教会了瓦格特和另一位年轻人游泳的事。他有两个儿子，即将外出旅行，他希望他俩能先学会游泳，说如果我愿意教他们的话会给我丰厚的报酬。当时他两个儿子还没到城里来，我能在那儿停留多久也不确定，因此我没有揽下这个活儿。但从这件事中，我意识到如果我留在英国开一所游泳学校的话，或许能大赚一笔。这个想法在我脑海中非常强烈，如果他早些向我提出这件事的话，我很可能不会这么早就回到美洲来。多年以后，你我还与这位威廉·温德姆爵士的一个儿子（后来已是埃格雷蒙特伯爵）因更重要的事情打过交道，这些我会在适当的地方提到。

Thus I spent about eighteen months in London; most part of the time I work'd hard at my business, and spent but little upon myself except in seeing plays and in books. My friend Ralph had kept me poor; he owed me about twenty-seven pounds, which I was now never likely to receive; a great sum out of my small earnings! I lov'd him, notwithstanding, for he had many amiable qualities. I had by no means improv'd my fortune; but I had picked up some very ingenious acquaintance, whose conversation was of great advantage to me; and I had read considerably.

We sail'd from Gravesend on the 23d of July, 1726. For the incidents of the voyage, I refer you to my journal, where you will find them all minutely related. Perhaps the most important part of that journal is the plan to be found in it, which I formed at sea, for regulating my future conduct in life. It is the more remarkable, as being formed when I was so young, and yet being pretty faithfully adhered to quite thro' to old age.

We landed in Philadelphia on the 11th of October, where I found sundry alterations. Keith was no longer governor, being superseded by Major Gordon. I met him walking the streets as a common citizen. He seem'd a little asham'd at seeing me, but pass'd without saying anything. I should have been as much asham'd at seeing Miss Read, had not her friends, despairing with reason of my return after the receipt of my letter, persuaded her to marry another, one Rogers, a potter, which was done in my absence. With him, however, she was never happy, and soon parted from him, refusing to cohabit with him or bear his name, it being now said that he had another wife. He was a worthless fellow, tho' an excellent workman, which was the temptation to her friends. He got into debt, ran away in 1727 or 1728, went to the West Indies, and died there. Keimer had got a better house, a shop well supply'd with stationery, plenty of new types, a number of hands, tho' none good, and seem'd to have a great deal of business.

就这样，我在伦敦生活了约18个月的时间。大部分时候我都在印刷所努力地干活，除了看戏和读书外，其他花销非常少。我的朋友拉尔夫让我一直很穷，他欠我大约27英镑，不会再还了，对于收入微薄的我来说，这是多么大的一笔钱啊！尽管如此，我还是很喜欢他，因为他有许多讨人喜欢的品质。我在这里虽然没有积累什么财富，但认识了不少聪明的朋友，和他们谈话使我受益匪浅，而且我在这儿读了很多书。

1726年7月23日，我们从格雷夫森德启航离开了英国。关于这次航行中所发生的事情，你可以去读我的日志，那上面有非常详细的记载。也许那本日志最重要的部分是其中记录的一个计划，那是我在船上制定的，用来调整规范我未来生活中的行为。这个计划的不寻常之处在于，我年纪轻轻就制定了它，到年老的时候还是一如既往地严格执行着。

10月11日，我们在费城登陆，这时的费城已发生了许多变化。基思已不再是总督了，戈登少校已经取而代之。我看见基思在街上走着，只是个普通市民而已。他见到我有些羞愧，但一言不发地走了过去。其实我见到里德小姐本该一样感到羞愧，好在收到我的信后，她的朋友有理由相信我不会回来了，说服她嫁给了一个叫罗杰斯的制陶工。婚事是我不在的时候办的。但里德小姐和他在一起并不幸福，很快就离开了他，不肯再和他共同生活，也不愿随他的姓氏。据说他现在已经另娶了一个妻子。罗杰斯这人没什么可称道之处，只是制陶的手艺不错，当初里德小姐的朋友就是看中了他这一点。他后来欠了债，于1727或是1728年逃走了，去了西印度群岛，并死在了那里。凯默的印刷店规模扩大了，还开了家文具店，添了不少新铅字，还请了很多帮手，只是他们技术都不好，但看起来生意很不错。

Mr. Denham took a store in Water-street, where we open'd our goods; I attended the business diligently, studied accounts, and grew, in a little time, expert at selling. We lodg'd and, boarded together; he counsell'd me as a father, having a sincere regard for me. I respected and lov'd him, and we might have gone on together very happy; but, in the beginning of February, 1726-7, when I had just pass'd my twenty-first year, we both were taken ill. My distemper was a pleurisy, which very nearly carried me off. I suffered a good deal, gave up the point in my own mind, and was rather disappointed when I found myself recovering, regretting, in some degree, that I must now, some time or other, have all that disagreeable work to do over again. I forget what his distemper was; it held him a long time, and at length carried him off. He left me a small legacy in a nuncupative will, as a token of his kindness for me, and he left me once more to the wide world; for the store was taken into the care of his executors, and my employment under him ended.

My brother-in-law, Holmes, being now at Philadelphia, advised my return to my business; and Keimer tempted me, with an offer of large wages by the year, to come and take the management of his printing-house, that he might better attend his stationer's shop. I had heard a bad character of him in London from his wife and her friends, and was not fond of having any more to do with him. I tri'd for farther employment as a merchant's clerk; but, not readily meeting with any, I clos'd again with Keimer. I found in his house these hands: Hugh Meredith, a Welsh Pensilvanian, thirty years of age, bred to country work; honest, sensible, had a great deal of solid observation, was something of a reader, but given to drink. Stephen Potts, a young countryman of full age, bred to the same, of uncommon natural parts, and great wit and humor, but a little idle. These he had agreed with at extream low wages per week, to be rais'd a shilling every three months, as they would deserve by improving in their business; and the expectation of these high wages, to come on hereafter, was what he had drawn them in with. Meredith was to work at press, Potts at book-binding, which he, by agreement, was to teach them, though he knew neither one nor t'other. John—, a wild Irishman, brought up to no business, whose service, for four years, Keimer had purchased from the captain of a ship; he, too, was to be made a pressman. George Webb, an Oxford scholar, whose time for four years he had likewise bought, intending him for a compositor, of whom more presently; and David Harry, a country boy, whom he had taken apprentice.

德纳姆先生在水街开了家店，我们把货物都陈列在那里。我勤快地照管店铺，学习记账，没多久就成了推销货物的好手。我和德纳姆先生食宿都在一起，他像父亲一样教导我，真心地关怀我，我对他也非常敬重和爱戴。我们本可以这样快乐地相处下去，可惜1727年2月初，我刚过了21岁生日，我俩就都病倒了。我得了胸膜炎，这病差点要了我的命。我受尽了疾病的折磨，心里几乎已经放弃了生的希望，后来发现自己身体好转倒还有些失望了，因为想到今后早晚还得再忍受一遍走向死亡的痛苦，便感到有些懊悔。我忘了德纳姆先生得的是什么病，只记得这病拖了很长时间，最终还是夺去了他的生命。他在口头遗嘱里给我留下了一小笔遗产，表示对我的关爱。就这样，他的离去让我再次失业，重新回到这个广袤无垠的世界里，因为这家店铺由他的继承人接管了，而我在他店里的工作也就结束了。

我姐夫霍尔姆斯当时正在费城，他建议我回到印刷业去干老本行。凯默也用丰厚的年薪诱惑我，希望我帮他管理印刷所，这样他可以更好地照管文具店。在伦敦的时候，我从他妻子和他妻子的朋友那里听说他为人卑劣，因此不想再与他打交道。我想找个商店职员的工作，但没有找到，只好又去了凯默那里。我在他店里结识了这样一些人：休·梅雷迪斯，一个威尔士裔的宾夕法尼亚人，30岁，从小就做农活，诚实明理，观察敏锐，喜欢读点书，但嗜好饮酒；史蒂芬·波茨，一个年轻的乡下人，已经成年，也是从小务农，很有天分，机智幽默，但有点闲散。凯默每周给他们极低的工资，随着他们业务能力的长进每三个月增长一先令。许诺未来给他们高额工资是凯默引诱他们在此工作的手段。梅雷迪斯操作印刷机，波茨负责装订书本。根据合同，凯默要教他们这两项技术，但他自己一项都不懂。约翰，我忘记了他的姓，是个粗野的爱尔兰人，没学过什么技术，在印刷所的雇佣期为四年，是凯默从一个船长那儿花钱买来的，凯默也答应把他培养成印刷工。乔治·韦伯，一位牛津的学生，他四年的雇佣期也是凯默买来的，凯默打算让他当一名排字工人，关于他的事情，我下面还要讲到；大卫·哈里，一个乡下来的孩子，在店里当学徒。

I soon perceiv'd that the intention of engaging me at wages so much higher than he had been us'd to give, was, to have these raw, cheap hands form'd thro' me; and, as soon as I had instructed them, then they being all articled to him, he should be able to do without me. I went on, however, very cheerfully, put his printing-house in order, which had been in great confusion, and brought his hands by degrees to mind their business and to do it better.

It was an odd thing to find an Oxford scholar in the situation of a bought servant. He was not more than eighteen years of age, and gave me this account of himself; that he was born in Gloucester, educated at a grammar-school there, had been distinguish'd among the scholars for some apparent superiority in performing his part, when they exhibited plays; belong'd to the Witty Club there, and had written some pieces in prose and verse, which were printed in the Gloucester newspapers; thence he was sent to Oxford; where he continued about a year, but not well satisfi'd, wishing of all things to see London, and become a player. At length, receiving his quarterly allowance of fifteen guineas, instead of discharging his debts he walk'd out of town, hid his gown in a furze bush, and footed it to London, where, having no friend to advise him, he fell into bad company, soon spent his guineas, found no means of being introduc'd among the players, grew necessitous, pawn'd his cloaths, and wanted bread. Walking the street very hungry, and not knowing what to do with himself, a crimp's bill was put into his hand, offering immediate entertainment and encouragement to such as would bind themselves to serve in America.

我很快看出，凯默之所以付给我比往常高许多的工资，是想让我培训这些廉价的生手，因为他们都和他订了约，一旦我教会他们，他也就不需要我了。但我还是干得很愉快，把凯默原本混乱不堪的印刷所管理得井井有条，也使他的工人们对自己的活儿渐渐地多花心思，并加以改进。

一位牛津的学生被买来当雇工，这是件很奇怪的事。乔治·韦伯还不到18岁，他给我讲述了自己的过去：他出生于英国格洛斯特，在那儿上的文法学校，学生们演出戏剧时，他因在表演上明显高人一筹而引人注目。他参加了当地的“诙谐社”，也写过一些散文和诗歌发表在格洛斯特的报纸上，后来就被送到牛津学习。他在牛津学习约一年，并不满足，特别希望去伦敦看看并成为一名演员。后来，他拿到了三个月补助金，共15几尼。他没有先去还债，而是出了城，把他的学生袍藏在荆豆丛里，花钱去了伦敦。他在伦敦没有朋友规劝，认识了坏人，很快就把钱花光了，但又没有办法被引荐入演员的圈子，日渐拮据，只好把衣服都典当了，而且连面包也买不起。走在街上，饥肠辘辘，无所适从，一张诱骗人当兵的宣传单塞到了他手中，上面说凡愿去美洲服役的可以马上提供食宿并给予奖励。

He went directly, sign'd the indentures, was put into the ship, and came over, never writing a line to acquaint his friends what was become of him. He was lively, witty, good-natur'd, and a pleasant companion, but idle, thoughtless, and imprudent to the last degree.

John, the Irishman, soon ran away; with the rest I began to live very agreeably, for they all respected me the more, as they found Keimer incapable of instructing them, and that from me they learned something daily. We never worked on Saturday, that being Keimer's Sabbath, so I had two days for reading. My acquaintance with ingenious people in the town increased. Keimer himself treated me with great civility and apparent regard, and nothing now made me uneasy but my debt to Vernon, which I was yet unable to pay, being hitherto but a poor economist. He, however, kindly made no demand of it.

Our printing-house often wanted sorts, and there was no letter-founder in America; I had seen types cast at James's in London, but without much attention to the manner; however, I now contrived a mould, made use of the letters we had as puncheons, struck the matrices in lead, And thus supply'd in a pretty tolerable way all deficiencies. I also engrav'd several things on occasion; I made the ink; I was warehouseman, and everything, and, in short, quite a factotum.

韦伯立即就去了，与他们签了服务契约，然后上了船，来到了美洲，从来没有给朋友写过只言片语告诉他们自己的近况。他活泼幽默，性情和善，与他在一起很快乐，但他不够勤快，做事欠考虑，而且极度鲁莽轻率。

那个爱尔兰人约翰不久就逃跑了，我和其他人都相处得很愉快，因为他们发现凯默什么也教不了他们，从我这儿倒每天都能学些东西，于是他们对我愈发尊敬。我们星期六从不工作，因为那是凯默的安息日，因此我有两天的时间可以用来读书。我在城里认识的贤达人士也多了起来。凯默对我也彬彬有礼，颇为敬重。这时，除了欠弗农的钱，没有什么事让我心情不安了。我依旧还不起这笔钱，因为我一直不擅理财。但弗农很好，没有向我提起还钱的事。

我们印刷所经常缺铅字，而美洲又没有造铅字的铸造所。在伦敦时，我曾在詹姆斯的店里见过别人浇铸铅字，可没有多加留心，不知道具体方法是什么。但我发明了一种模具，以我们已有的铅字为模板，把铅铸成铅字模型，这基本上还算补齐了我们缺少的铅字。我有时还雕刻些东西，制作油墨，还负责管理仓库和其他很多事情。简而言之，我就是个勤杂工。

But, however serviceable I might be, I found that my services became every day of less importance, as the other hands improv'd in the business; and, when Keimer paid my second quarter's wages, he let me know that he felt them too heavy, and thought I should make an abatement. He grew by degrees less civil, put on more of the master, frequently found fault, was captious, and seem'd ready for an outbreaking. I went on, nevertheless, with a good deal of patience, thinking that his encumber'd circumstances were partly the cause. At length a trifle snapt our connections; for, a great noise happening near the court-house, I put my head out of the window to see what was the matter. Keimer, being in the street, look'd up and saw me, call'd out to me in a loud voice and angry tone to mind my business, adding some reproachful words, that nettled me the more for their publicity, all the neighbors who were looking out on the same occasion being witnesses how I was treated. He came up immediately into the printing-house, continu'd the quarrel, high words pass'd on both sides, he gave me the quarter's warning we had stipulated, expressing a wish that he had not been oblig'd to so long a warning. I told him his wish was unnecessary, for I would leave him that instant; and so, taking my hat, walk'd out of doors, desiring Meredith, whom I saw below, to take care of some things I left, and bring them to my lodgings.

Meredith came accordingly in the evening, when we talked my affair over. He had conceiv'd a great regard for me, and was very unwilling that I should leave the house while he remain'd in it. He dissuaded me from returning to my native country, which I began to think of; he reminded me that Keimer was in debt for all he possess'd; that his creditors began to be uneasy; that he kept his shop miserably, sold often without profit for ready money, and often trusted without keeping accounts; that he must therefore fall, which would make a vacancy I might profit of. I objected my want of money. He then let me know that his father had a high opinion of me, and, from some discourse that had pass'd between them, he was sure his father would advance money to set us up, if I would enter into partnership with him. "My time," says he, "will be out with Keimer in the spring; by that time we may have our press and types in from London. I am sensible I am no workman; if you like it, your skill in the business shall be set against the stock I furnish, and we will share the profits equally."

不过，不管我多能干，随着其他人在业务上的日益进步，我发觉我在印刷所里的重要性日见降低。凯默付我第二季度的工资时，说他给我的钱太多，认为我应该降低薪水。他对我渐渐不再那么有礼貌，摆出了一副老板的架子，常常找茬，吹毛求疵，随时准备和我大吵一架。但我还是继续耐心对待，认为他之所以这样，部分是因为他现在负担太重了。终于，一件小事使我们的关系彻底破裂了。那天，法院附近突然喧哗起来，我把头伸出窗外看发生了什么事。凯默当时正在街上，抬头看见了我，冲我气愤地大声吼叫让我别管闲事，还说了些责骂的话。这样公开指责我，让我十分恼怒，当时也在往外看热闹的邻居都见证了我受到了怎样的对待。凯默还立刻冲进了印刷所，上楼继续和我吵，于是我们双方都高声吵嚷起来，他说要解雇我，按照合同规定提前三个月给我解雇通知，还说当初要没规定须提前这么久通知就好了。我告诉他大可不必这么遗憾，因为我马上就走，于是我拿着帽子就出了门。我在楼下碰见了梅雷迪斯，请他帮我打点我留下的东西，然后送到我的住所来。

晚上梅雷迪斯按我说的来到了我的住处，我们说了说我的事情。他对我非常敬重，极不愿意看到我离开印刷所，而他自己还要在那儿干下去。我原本打算回波士顿，但他劝我别回去，他说凯默所欠的债务已与其财产相当，现在那些债主们已经不太放心了，他把印刷店管理得非常糟糕，经常为了得到现钱做些不赚钱的生意，还常把货物赊出去，又不记账，所以他的印刷店一定会垮的，这样我就有可乘之机了。我说我没有资金，开不了店，梅雷迪斯告诉我他的父亲对我评价很高，通过他和父亲之间的谈话，他相信只要我能和他合作，他父亲会出钱帮我们开店的。梅雷迪斯说：“我和凯默之间的合同春天就会到期，到时候我们可以从伦敦购买印刷机和铅字。我知道自己印刷手艺不好，如果你愿意，你出技术，我出钱备货，利润我们平分。”

k him off that wretched habit entirely, when we came to be so closely connected. I gave an inventory to the father, who carry'd it to a merchant; the things were sent for, the secret was to be kept till they should arrive, and in the mean time I was to get work, if I could, at the other printing-house. But I found no vacancy there, and so remain'd idle a few days, when Keimer, on a prospect of being employ'd to print some paper money in New Jersey, which would require cuts and various types that I only could supply, and apprehending Bradford might engage me and get the jobb from him, sent me a very civil message, that old friends should not part for a few words, the effect of sudden passion, and wishing me to return. Meredith persuaded me to comply, as it would give more opportunity for his improvement under my daily instructions; so I return'd, and we went on more smoothly than for some time before. The New Jersey jobb was obtain'd, I contriv'd a copperplate press for it, the first that had been seen in the country; I cut several ornaments and checks for the bills. We went together to Burlington, where I executed the whole to satisfaction; and he received so large a sum for the work as to be enabled thereby to keep his head much longer above water.

At Burlington I made an acquaintance with many principal people of the province. Several of them had been appointed by the Assembly a committee to attend the press, and take care that no more bills were printed than the law directed. They were therefore, by turns, constantly with us, and generally he who attended, brought with him a friend or two for company. My mind having been much more improv'd by reading than Keimer's, I suppose it was for that reason my conversation seem'd to be more valu'd. They had me to their houses, introduced me to their friends, and show'd me much civility; while he, tho' the master, was a little neglected. In truth, he was an odd fish; ignorant of common life, fond of rudely opposing receiv'd opinions, slovenly to extream dirtiness, enthusiastic in some points of religion, and a little knavish withal.

他这个提议很不错，我同意了。他父亲当时正在城里，也对我们的计划表示赞同，尤其是他看见我对他儿子产生了这么大的影响，让他很久都没有沾酒。他希望我们通过这样密切的合作，我能帮梅雷迪斯彻底改掉这个坏习惯。我开了一张所需物品的清单给他父亲，他父亲交给一个商人去采购了，货物运到之前我们说好要保守秘密，在此期间如果可能的话，我先去另一家印刷所找工作。但那里没有空缺职位，因此我闲了好些日子。当时凯默正在争取印刷新泽西纸币的生意，需要有刻版和各种铅字，只有我能制作，他担心布拉德福德雇了我之后会把这笔生意抢走，于是给我写了一封措词礼貌的信，说老朋友不要因为几句话就分道扬镳，那都是一时冲动而已，希望我能回到他的印刷店工作。梅雷迪斯劝我答应，因为这样他就能每天接受我的指导，有更多进步的机会。于是我回去了，我和凯默相处得比以前顺利得多。凯默揽到了新泽西的生意，我为此设计了一部铜版印刷机，这在美洲还是第一次见到呢，另外我还为纸币设计了一些花纹和符号。我们一起去了趟伯灵顿，在那里我所有的工作都让人非常满意，凯默也因此得到一大笔钱，这使他能维持更长一段时间不会破产了。

在伯灵顿，我认识了新泽西的许多重要人物，其中有几位是州议会指定成立的一个委员会的成员，负责监督纸币印刷，保证其印刷数量不超过法律规定的数量。因此，他们轮流和我们呆在一起，一般来监督的人会带上一两个朋友作伴。因为我读过很多书，见识比凯默要多得多，我想他们正因如此更喜欢和我聊天吧。他们邀请我去他们家里，把我介绍给他们的朋友，对我很有礼貌，而我的老板却有些被忽略了。事实上，凯默这人很古怪，对公共生活一无所知，却又喜欢粗鲁地反对大家公认的意见，平时不修边幅，非常邋遢，对宗教中的有些观点十分狂热，此外还有些无赖。

The proposal was agreeable, and I consented; his father was in town and approv'd of it; the more as he saw I had great influence with his son, had prevail'd on him to abstain long from dram-drinking, and he hop'd might breaWe continu'd there near three months; and by that time I could reckon among my acquired friends, Judge Allen, Samuel Bustill, the secretary of the Province, Isaac Pearson, Joseph Cooper, and several of the Smiths, members of Assembly, and Isaac Decow, the surveyor-general. The latter was a shrewd, sagacious old man, who told me that he began for himself, when young, by wheeling clay for the brick-makers, learned to write after he was of age, carri'd the chain for surveyors, who taught him surveying, and he had now by his industry, acquir'd a good estate; and says he, "I foresee that you will soon work this man out of business, and make a fortune in it at Philadelphia." He had not then the least intimation of my intention to set up there or anywhere. These friends were afterwards of great use to me, as I occasionally was to some of them. They all continued their regard for me as long as they lived.

Before I enter upon my public appearance in business, it may be well to let you know the then state of my mind with regard to my principles and morals, that you may see how far those influenc'd the future events of my life. My parents had early given me religious impressions, and brought me through my childhood piously in the Dissenting way. But I was scarce fifteen, when, after doubting by turns of several points, as I found them disputed in the different books I read, I began to doubt of Revelation itself. Some books against Deism fell into my hands; they were said to be the substance of sermons preached at Boyle's Lectures. It happened that they wrought an effect on me quite contrary to what was intended by them; for the arguments of the Deists, which were quoted to be refuted, appeared to me much stronger than the refutations; in short, I soon became a thorough Deist. My arguments perverted some others, particularly Collins and Ralph; but, each of them having afterwards wrong'd me greatly without the least compunction, and recollecting Keith's conduct towards me (who was another freethinker), and my own towards Vernon and Miss Read, which at times gave me great trouble, I began to suspect that this doctrine, tho' it might be true, was not very useful. My London pamphlet, which had for its motto these lines of Dryden[26]:

"Whatever is, is right. Though purblind man

Sees but a part o' the chain, the nearest link:

His eyes not carrying to the equal beam,

That poises all above;"

and from the attributes of God, his infinite wisdom, goodness and power, concluded that nothing could possibly be wrong in the world, and that vice and virtue were empty distinctions, no such things existing, appear'd now not so clever a performance as I once thought it; and I doubted whether some error had not insinuated itself unperceiv'd into my argument, so as to infect all that follow'd, as is common in metaphysical reasonings.

我们在新泽西呆了近三个月，那段时间我结交了这样一些朋友：艾伦法官；州务卿塞缪尔·巴斯蒂尔；艾萨克·皮尔逊、约瑟夫·库柏和几个姓史密斯的人，他们都是州议员；还有测绘局长艾萨克·迪考。迪考是一位精明睿智的老人，他告诉我，他年轻时从为砖匠运送黏土起步，成年后才学会写字，后来去为测量员扛链子，他们教他测量，他凭着自己的勤奋努力，现在已赚得了一份可观的家产。迪考说：“我预计你很快就会让凯默在印刷业失去立足之地，而且你将靠印刷生意在费城发财起家。”说这番话时，迪考对我在费城或别处开店的打算一无所知。这些朋友后来对我帮助很大，有时我也能帮上他们的忙。终其一生，他们对我始终关心敬重。

在我谈到正式开店前，最好先给你讲讲当时我在原则和道德方面的看法，这样你就知道它们对我后来人生中的重大事件产生了多么深远的影响。我的父母很早就让我对宗教有所了解，并在我的整个童年时期都让我虔诚地接受不顺从国教的教育。我在不同的书中读到对一些教条的争辩，对它们产生了怀疑，后来连对《启示录》本身都开始怀疑了，当时我还不到15岁。那时我得到一些反对自然神论的书，据说这些书是博伊尔讲道时的主要内容。它们对我产生的作用却与其目的恰好相反，因为书中引用了自然神论的观点以便对其加以驳斥，但这些观点在我看来却比驳斥强有力得多。简言之，我很快便成了一位彻底的自然神论者。我的观点将一些人引入歧途，尤其是柯林斯和拉尔夫，不过他们二人后来对我如此恶劣，毫无良心可言；我又回想起基思（他也是个自由思想家）对我的所作所为，还有我自己对弗农和里德小姐的行为，这些都不时让我深陷烦恼之中，我开始怀疑，尽管这种学说可能正确，但并不是很实用。我在伦敦所著的小册子里就引用了德莱顿的这些诗句作为箴言：

“存在即为合理；半盲的人

只见到链条的一部分——那最近的链环；

他的眼睛看不到处于一切之上的

公平的秤杆。”

我在文章中还从上帝的品质、他无穷的智慧、善良和力量中得出结论：世上一切都是正确的，罪恶和美德的区分毫无意义，它们根本就不存在。以前我认为这篇文章写得精妙至极，现在看来却不是如此了，我怀疑是否已有某些谬误潜入了我的论证中，而我还不自知，以致影响了后面的所有推论，这种现象在形而上学的推论中是非常常见的。

I grew convinc'd that truth, sincerity and integrity in dealings between man and man were of the utmost importance to the felicity of life; and I form'd written resolutions, which still remain in my journal book, to practice them ever while I lived. Revelation had indeed no weight with me, as such; but I entertain'd an opinion that, though certain actions might not be bad because they were forbidden by it, or good because it commanded them, yet probably these actions might be forbidden because they were bad for us, or commanded because they were beneficial to us, in their own natures, all the circumstances of things considered. And this persuasion, with the kind hand of Providence, or some guardian angel, or accidental favorable circumstances and situations, or all together, preserved me, thro' this dangerous time of youth, and the hazardous situations I was sometimes in among strangers, remote from the eye and advice of my father, without any willful gross immorality or injustice, that might have been expected from my want of religion. I say willful, because the instances I have mentioned had something of necessity in them, from my youth, inexperience, and the knavery of others. I had therefore a tolerable character to begin the world with; I valued it properly, and determin'd to preserve it.

我逐渐相信，人际交往中的真实、诚恳和正直对于获得人生幸福至关重要，于是我写下了我的决心，这决心仍保留在我的日志中，在我有生之年打算不断对其身体力行。的确，《启示录》对我倒不太重要，但我怀抱一种观点，即有些行为并不因《启示录》禁止就真正恶劣，也不因《启示录》命令我们执行就是善行，而应考虑到所有的因素，很可能这些行为就其本质而言对我们是有害的，所以遭到禁止，或对我们有利才被规定执行。这种信念，加之上帝的恩惠或某位守护天使的保佑，或偶然的有利环境和局面，或者所有这些因素的共同作用，使我得以在没有父亲监督和教导的情况下，安然度过这危险的青年时期，并且在偶尔身处异乡的困境中全身而退，没有故意犯下任何严重的不道德或违法行为；因为我缺乏宗教信仰，这种行为原本是很可能发生的。我说“故意”，是因为上面提到的例子都有某种必然性，我年纪轻轻，涉世不深，别人又做了那些无赖的事情。因此，我在涉世之初就有着较好的品行，我对此颇为珍惜，决定将其保持下去。

We had not been long return'd to Philadelphia before the new types arriv'd from London. We settled with Keimer, and left him by his consent before he heard of it. We found a house to hire near the market, and took it. To lessen the rent, which was then but twenty-four pounds a year, tho' I have since known it to let for seventy, we took in Thomas Godfrey, a glazier, and his family, who were to pay a considerable part of it to us, and we to board with them. We had scarce opened our letters and put our press in order, before George House, an acquaintance of mine, brought a countryman to us, whom he had met in the street inquiring for a printer. All our cash was now expended in the variety of particulars we had been obliged to procure, and this countryman's five shillings, being our first-fruits, and coming so seasonably, gave me more pleasure than any crown[27] I have since earned; and the gratitude I felt toward House has made me often more ready than perhaps I should otherwise have been to assist young beginners.

There are croakers in every country, always boding its ruin. Such a one then lived in Philadelphia; a person of note, an elderly man, with a wise look and a very grave manner of speaking; his name was Samuel Mickle. This gentleman, a stranger to me, stopt one day at my door, and asked me if I was the young man who had lately opened a new printing-house. Being answered in the affirmative, he said he was sorry for me, because it was an expensive undertaking, and the expense would be lost; for Philadelphia was a sinking place, the people already half-bankrupts, or near being so; all appearances to the contrary, such as new buildings and the rise of rents, being to his certain knowledge fallacious; for they were, in fact, among the things that would soon ruin us. And he gave me such a detail of misfortunes now existing, or that were soon to exist, that he left me half melancholy. Had I known him before I engaged in this business, probably I never should have done it. This man continued to live in this decaying place, and to declaim in the same strain, refusing for many years to buy a house there, because all was going to destruction; and at last I had the pleasure of seeing him give five times as much for one as he might have bought it for when he first began his croaking.

我们回到费城不久，新的印刷机就从伦敦运来了。我们和凯默协商好，经他同意离开了他的印刷所，但还没告诉他我们开店的事情。我们在市场附近找了间房子，租了下来。当时的房租是每年24镑，据我所知现在已经要70镑了。当时为了减轻房租负担，我们让玻璃工托马斯·戈弗雷一家住了进来，他们向我们支付房租的一大部分，而我们就把伙食包给他家。我们刚把铅字拆封打开，整理好印刷机，我一个朋友乔治·豪斯就把一个乡下人带了进来。这个人是他在街上遇见的，当时他正在找印刷店。此前我们所有的现金都用来买各类必备物品了，这个乡下人的五先令，是我们赚得的第一笔钱，它来得这么及时，带给我的快乐比我后来赚到的任何一个克朗都要多。我对豪斯的感激使我后来常常十分热衷于帮助刚创业的年轻人，不然我可能没有这么热心呢。

每个地方都有预言毁灭即将到来的人，费城也不例外。那是一位知名的长者，面相睿智，说话时态度十分严肃，名叫塞缪尔·米克尔。我并不认识这位老人，但他有天来到我门前，问我是否是那位新开了家印刷店的年轻人。我回答是，他说他为我深感遗憾，因为开印刷店成本很高，这些花费会亏损掉的，因为费城是个正在衰落的地方，这里的人都已经半破产或即将破产了。所有与此相反的繁荣景象，如新的建筑、租金的上涨等，就他所知都是假的，因为它们其实都是即将给我们带来毁灭的东西。他还详细讲述了当前存在或即将发生的种种不幸，他走后我有些闷闷不乐。如果我在开店之前认识他，很可能就不会开店了。这位老人现在仍然住在这个正在衰落的地方，仍然用他一贯的语调预言着，多年以来一直不肯在费城买所房子，因为他觉得一切都将走向灭亡。但最终，我颇为自得地发现他还是买了房子，出的价钱是他最初开始不祥预言时的五倍。

I should have mentioned before, that, in the autumn of the preceding year, I had form'd most of my ingenious acquaintance into a club of mutual improvement, which we called the JUNTO; we met on Friday evenings. The rules that I drew up required that every member, in his turn, should produce one or more queries on any point of Morals, Politics, or Natural Philosophy, to be discuss'd by the company; and once in three months produce and read an essay of his own writing, on any subject he pleased. Our debates were to be under the direction of a president, and to be conducted in the sincere spirit of inquiry after truth, without fondness for dispute, or desire of victory; and, to prevent warmth, all expressions of positiveness in opinions, or direct contradiction, were after some time made contraband, and prohibited under small pecuniary penalties.

The first members were Joseph Breintnal, a copyer of deeds for the scriveners, a good-natur'd, friendly, middle-ag'd man, a great lover of poetry, reading all he could meet with, and writing some that was tolerable; very ingenious in many little Nicknackeries, and of sensible conversation.

Thomas Godfrey, a self-taught mathematician, great in his way, and afterward inventor of what is now called Hadley's Quadrant. But he knew little out of his way, and was not a pleasing companion; as, like most great mathematicians I have met with, he expected universal precision in everything said, or was for ever denying or distinguishing upon trifles, to the disturbance of all conversation. He soon left us.

Nicholas Scull, a surveyor, afterwards surveyor-general, who lov'd books, and sometimes made a few verses.

William Parsons, bred a shoemaker, but loving reading, had acquir'd a considerable share of mathematics, which he first studied with a view to astrology, that he afterwards laught at it. He also became surveyor-general.

William Maugridge, a joiner, a most exquisite mechanic, and a solid, sensible man.

Hugh Meredith, Stephen Potts, and George Webb I have characteriz'd before.

我本应早些提到，在我开店前一年的秋天，我和我大多数富有才华的朋友成立了一个相互学习、相互促进的俱乐部，叫做“互助学习社”，每周五晚上聚会一次。我起草的会规中要求每位社员轮流提出关于道德、政治学或自然哲学任何方面的一个或多个问题，供大家讨论；每三个月要写一篇文章并在聚会时朗读，题目自拟。我们的讨论由会长主持，大家秉着真诚探寻真理的精神，不得以争论为好，不得执拗取胜。为了避免讨论过于激烈，后来又规定所有太过绝对的肯定意见或是针锋相对的反驳都是不允许的，违规者要处以少量的罚金。

最初的会员有约瑟夫·布莱恩特纳尔，他是公证处的契约书誊写人，是个脾气好、待人友善的中年人。他非常热爱诗歌，读过所有他能找到的诗，自己也写过一些还算可以的作品。他会做很多精巧的小玩意儿，谈话也很有见地。

托马斯·戈弗雷，一位自学成才的数学家，在数学方面造诣很深，后来发明了现在我们称为“哈德利象限仪”的东西。但他对数学以外的方面了解很少，和他在一起并不令人愉快，就像我遇到过的大多数伟大的数学家一样，他要求所说的每一句话都绝对精确，总是纠缠于细枝末节，从而妨碍了所有谈话的进行。他不久就离开了我们。

尼古拉斯·斯卡尔，一位测量员，后来成了测绘局长，他热爱读书，有时会写些诗歌。

威廉·帕森斯，以前是个鞋匠，但他热爱阅读，学过相当多的数学知识。最初他学习数学是为了以后学习占星术，后来对自己的想法一笑置之。他也成了测绘局长。

威廉·毛格里治，一位细木匠，技艺极其精湛，为人明智可靠。

休·梅雷迪斯、史蒂芬·波茨和乔治·韦伯，他们三人我已在前面描述过。

Robert Grace, a young gentleman of some fortune, generous, lively, and witty; a lover of punning and of his friends.

And William Coleman, then a merchant's clerk, about my age, who had the coolest, dearest head, the best heart, and the exactest morals of almost any man I ever met with. He became afterwards a merchant of great note, and one of our provincial judges. Our friendship continued without interruption to his death, upward of forty years; and the club continued almost as long, and was the best school of philosophy, morality, and politics that then existed in the province; for our queries, which were read the week preceding their discussion, put us upon reading with attention upon the several subjects, that we might speak more to the purpose; and here, too, we acquired better habits of conversation, every thing being studied in our rules which might prevent our disgusting each other. From hence the long continuance of the club, which I shall have frequent occasion to speak further of hereafter.

But my giving this account of it here is to show something of the interest I had, every one of these exerting themselves in recommending business to us. Breintnal particularly procur'd us from the Quakers the printing forty sheets of their history, the rest being to be done by Keimer; and upon this we work'd exceedingly hard, for the price was low. It was a folio, pro patria size, in pica, with long primer notes. I compos'd of it a sheet a day, and Meredith worked it off at press; it was often eleven at night, and sometimes later, before I had finished my distribution for the next day's work, for the little jobbs sent in by our other friends now and then put us back. But so determin'd I was to continue doing a sheet a day of the folio, that one night, when, having impos'd my forms, I thought my day's work over, one of them by accident was broken, and two pages reduced to pi, I immediately distributed and compos'd it over again before I went to bed; and this industry, visible to our neighbors, began to give us character and credit; particularly, I was told, that mention being made of the new printing-office at the merchants' Every-night club, the general opinion was that it must fail, there being already two printers in the place, Keimer and Bradford; but Dr. Baird (whom you and I saw many years after at his native place, St. Andrew's in Scotland) gave a contrary opinion: "For the industry of that Franklin," says he, "is superior to any thing I ever saw of the kind; I see him still at work when I go home from club, and he is at work again before his neighbors are out of bed." This struck the rest, and we soon after had offers from one of them to supply us with stationery; but as yet we did not chuse to engage in shop business.

罗伯特·格雷丝，一位有些家产的年轻绅士，慷慨大方，活泼睿智，爱使用双关语，也爱朋友。

威廉·科尔曼，当时在一个商人那儿当职员，和我年龄相仿，在我认识的几乎所有人里，他是头脑最为冷静清晰、心地最为善良、品行最为端正的一个。他后来成为一位非常知名的商人，也是我们州法院的法官之一。我们的友谊一直延续了40年，从未中断，直至他离开人世。我们的俱乐部也持续了几乎同样长的时间，是当时我们州最好的哲学、道德和政治学团体。因为我们的问题会在讨论前一周公布，这让我们能就这些问题用心阅读，这样在讨论时才更能抓住要点，我们也因此养成了更好的谈话习惯。一切讨论都遵循我们的社规，以免彼此之间产生嫌隙。这个俱乐部也因此得以长期存在，我后面还有很多地方会讲到它。

我在这里讲述我们这个俱乐部，是想告诉你我从中得到的一些好处，因为俱乐部里的每个人都尽力帮我们介绍生意。尤其是布莱恩特纳尔，他从贵格会成员那里帮我们揽到印刷他们40页历史的生意，其余部分由凯默来印。这桩生意我们做得极为辛苦，因为交易价格很低。书是对开本，正文字号为12磅，注释为10磅。我每天排一大张纸，再由梅雷迪斯印出来。这时往往已经夜里11点了，有时更晚，因为其他朋友偶尔介绍些小生意给我们，会耽搁些时间，印刷完成后我再进行拆版还字，以备第二天继续排版。但我还是决意每天完成一大张的排版，有天夜里，我已完成排版，以为这天的工作结束了，但一不小心碰坏了其中一版，有两页的活字完全弄乱了，于是我立即拆版，重新再排一遍，全部完成才上床睡觉。我工作如此勤奋，邻居们都看在眼里，于是开始给予我们好评和信任，尤其是别人告诉我，商人们的“夜间俱乐部”里有人提到我们新开的印刷店时，人们普遍认为我们会失败，因为城里已经有凯默和布拉德福德两家印刷店了，但贝尔德博士（很多年后，你和我曾在他的家乡——苏格兰的圣安德鲁斯见过他）却有着不同意见，他说：“富兰克林是我见过的最勤奋的人，我从俱乐部回家时，看见他还在工作，而早上邻居们还没起床，他又开始工作了。”他的话让四座印象深刻，于是很快他们其中一位就提出向我们提供文具让我们经销，但我们当时还没有打算涉足商店零售。

I mention this industry the more particularly and the more freely, tho' it seems to be talking in my own praise, that those of my posterity, who shall read it, may know the use of that virtue, when they see its effects in my favor throughout this relation.

George Webb, who had found a female friend that lent him wherewith to purchase his time of Keimer, now came to offer himself as a journeyman to us. We could not then employ him; but I foolishly let him know as a secret that I soon intended to begin a newspaper, and might then have work for him. My hopes of success, as I told him, were founded on this, that the then only newspaper, printed by Bradford, was a paltry thing, wretchedly manag'd, no way entertaining, and yet was profitable to him; I therefore thought a good paper would scarcely fail of good encouragement. I requested Webb not to mention it; but he told it to Keimer, who immediately, to be beforehand with me, published proposals for printing one himself, on which Webb was to be employ'd. I resented this; and, to counteract them, as I could not yet begin our paper, I wrote several pieces of entertainment for Bradford's paper, under the title of the BUSY BODY, which Breintnal continu'd some months. By this means the attention of the publick was fixed on that paper, and Keimer's proposals, which we burlesqu'd and ridicul'd, were disregarded. He began his paper, however, and, after carrying it on three quarters of a year, with at most only ninety subscribers, he offered it to me for a trifle; and I, having been ready some time to go on with it, took it in hand directly; and it prov'd in a few years extremely profitable to me.

I perceive that I am apt to speak in the singular number, though our partnership still continu'd; the reason may be that, in fact, the whole management of the business lay upon me. Meredith was no compositor, a poor pressman, and seldom sober. My friends lamented my connection with him, but I was to make the best of it.

我这样着重、这样直率地提到这种勤奋，尽管看起来有些自吹自擂，但阅读我文字的后人们，当你在我的全部叙述中看到勤奋对我的帮助时，就知道这种美德有多大益处了。

乔治·韦伯找了个女朋友，她借给他些钱，使他可以向凯默赎回自己务工期限的合同，然后韦伯来了我们店里，希望当个印刷工。我们当时雇不了他，但我愚蠢地告诉了他我不久后打算办张报纸的秘密，那时可能会雇用他。我还告诉他，我成功的希望尽在于此：当时唯一的报纸是由布拉德福德办的，办得很糟糕，经营混乱，索然无味，但却还有钱可赚，于是我认为，办得好的报纸不可能无利可图。我请韦伯不要向别人提起我的计划，但他却告诉了凯默，于是凯默抢在我之前，宣布他要办一份报纸，还为此雇用了韦伯。我非常恼怒，因为自己当时还不能办报，为了抨击他们，就以《好事者》为题，写了几篇饶有趣味的文章发表在布拉德福德的报纸上，布莱恩特纳尔还续写了好几个月。通过这种方法，人们的注意力都被吸引到布拉德福德的报纸上，而被我们嘲讽取笑的凯默的办报计划，也没什么人理会了。但凯默的报纸还是办了，在连续发行三个季度，最多只有90位订户之后，他把报纸廉价卖给了我，而我早已准备接手，就直接承办了过来，数年后证明经营报纸给我带来了极大的收益。

我意识到我往往只提到我一个人，尽管我和梅雷迪斯当时仍处于合作关系之中，这可能因为事实上，整个印刷店的管理都由我来负责。他不会排字，印刷也干得不好，因为喝酒很少保持头脑清醒。我的朋友们都为我和这样的人合作感到惋惜，但我还是想让我们的合作产生最好的结果。

Our first papers made a quite different appearance from any before in the province; a better type, and better printed; but some spirited remarks of my writing, on the dispute then going on between Governor Burnet and the Massachusetts Assembly, struck the principal people, occasioned the paper and the manager of it to be much talk'd of, and in a few weeks brought them all to be our subscribers.

Their example was follow'd by many, and our number went on growing continually. This was one of the first good effects of my having learnt a little to scribble; another was, that the leading men, seeing a newspaper now in the hands of one who could also handle a pen, thought it convenient to oblige and encourage me. Bradford still printed the votes, and laws, and other publick business. He had printed an address of the House to the governor, in a coarse, blundering manner, we reprinted it elegantly and correctly, and sent one to every member. They were sensible of the difference: it strengthened the hands of our friends in the House, and they voted us their printers for the year ensuing.

Among my friends in the House I must not forget Mr. Hamilton, before mentioned, who was then returned from England, and had a seat in it. He interested himself for me strongly in that instance, as he did in many others afterward, continuing his patronage till his death. (I got his son once L500.—[Marg. note.])

Mr. Vernon, about this time, put me in mind of the debt I ow'd him, but did not press me. I wrote him an ingenuous letter of acknowledgment, crav'd his forbearance a little longer, which he allow'd me, and as soon as I was able, I paid the principal with interest, and many thanks; so that erratum was in some degree corrected.

我们刚出版的报纸与本州以往的报纸大不相同，我们的报纸字体漂亮，印刷精美，当时伯内特总督和马萨诸塞议会之间正有些争论，我就这些争论写了些言辞激烈的评论文章，这引起了当时重要人物的注意，这份报纸和它的经营者成为人们经常讨论的话题。几个星期之内，他们全都订了我们的报纸。

于是许多人跟进订阅我们的报纸，报纸的发行量持续上升。这是我曾学了点写作的好处之一；另外一个好处，就是当时的领导人物见这家报纸是由一个自己也能写作的人经营的，认为应当鼓励和资助我。布拉德福德仍然印刷选票、法典还有其他政府交印的东西，他曾把一篇议会给总督的文章印得粗糙不堪、错误百出，我们拿来重新印刷，印得既美观又准确，并将文章送至每位议员手中。他们从中看出了我们的不同，这增强了议会里的朋友为我们讲话的分量，于是接下来这一年，他们选定我们来做印刷任务。

在议会里的朋友中，我决不能忘记汉密尔顿先生，我在前面提到过他，他当时已从英国回来，是州议会议员。他在这件事上非常支持我，后来还帮过我很多次，一直对我十分关怀和爱护，直至去世（我曾帮他的儿子得到500镑——旁注）。

这时，弗农先生提醒我还欠他的钱，但并未催促我。我给他写了封信，坦白承认自己曾经的行为，恳请他再宽限些时日，他答应了。我攒够钱之后，立即连本带息还给了他，并向他表示感谢，这样我的大错才在某种程度上得以纠正。

But now another difficulty came upon me which I had never the least reason to expect. Mr. Meredith's father, who was to have paid for our printing-house, according to the expectations given me, was able to advance only one hundred pounds currency, which had been paid; and a hundred more was due to the merchant, who grew impatient, and su'd us all. We gave bail, but saw that, if the money could not be rais'd in time, the suit must soon come to a judgment and execution, and our hopeful prospects must, with us, be ruined, as the press and letters must be sold for payment, perhaps at half price.

In this distress two true friends, whose kindness I have never forgotten, nor ever shall forget while I can remember any thing, came to me separately, unknown to each other, and, without any application from me, offering each of them to advance me all the money that should be necessary to enable me to take the whole business upon myself, if that should be practicable; but they did not like my continuing the partnership with Meredith, who, as they said, was often seen drunk in the streets, and playing at low games in alehouses, much to our discredit. These two friends were William Coleman and Robert Grace. I told them I could not propose a separation while any prospect remain'd of the Merediths' fulfilling their part of our agreement, because I thought myself under great obligations to them for what they had done, and would do if they could; but, if they finally fail'd in their performance, and our partnership must be dissolv'd, I should then think myself at liberty to accept the assistance of my friends.

Thus the matter rested for some time, when I said to my partner, "Perhaps your father is dissatisfied at the part you have undertaken in this affair of ours, and is unwilling to advance for you and me what he would for you alone. If that is the case, tell me, and I will resign the whole to you, and go about my business." "No," said he, "my father has really been disappointed, and is really unable; and I am unwilling to distress him farther. I see this is a business I am not fit for. I was bred a farmer, and it was a folly in me to come to town, and put myself, at thirty years of age, an apprentice to learn a new trade. Many of our Welsh people are going to settle in North Carolina, where land is cheap. I am inclin'd to go with them, and follow my old employment. You may find friends to assist you. If you will take the debts of the company upon you; return to my father the hundred pound he has advanced; pay my little personal debts, and give me thirty pounds and a new saddle, I will relinquish the partnership, and leave the whole in your hands." I agreed to this proposal: it was drawn up in writing, sign'd, and seal'd immediately. I gave him what he demanded, and he went soon after to Carolina, from whence he sent me next year two long letters, containing the best account that had been given of that country, the climate, the soil, husbandry, etc., for in those matters he was very judicious. I printed them in the papers, and they gave great satisfaction to the publick.

但此时，我又遇到了另一个困难，这是我万万没有料到的。根据我的预期，梅雷迪斯先生的父亲要为我们的印刷店出资，但他只预付了100镑现金，我们还欠着商人100镑，这个商人失去了耐心，到法院告了我们。我们交了保释金，但知道如果不能及时筹到钱的话，法院很快就会对这桩官司进行裁决并命令执行，那么我们大有希望的前途就会和我们自己一起毁于一旦，因为印刷机和铅字一定会被售卖以清偿债务，也许还会以半价出卖。

在这样的困境中，两位真正的朋友向我伸出了援手，他们的善心我从未忘记，只要我的记忆尚存，我也永志不忘。他俩互不认识，各自来找我，主动提出如果行得通的话，他们可以帮我垫付独自经营印刷店所需的款项，但希望我不要再和梅雷迪斯继续合作，说经常见到梅雷迪斯醉醺醺地走在街上，还在酒馆里进行低级的娱乐，这实在影响我们的名声。这两位朋友就是威廉·科尔曼和罗伯特·格雷斯。我告诉他们，只要梅雷迪斯父子还有可能履行协议中规定的义务，我就不能提出中断合作，因为我觉得自己过去受过他们很大的恩惠，如果他们可以的话，他们还会愿意帮我很多忙，但如果他们没能尽到自己的职责，那么我们的合作关系就必须结束，那时我认为自己就可以自由地接受朋友们的帮助了。

就这样，这件事在一段时期内悬而未决，我对我的合伙人说：“也许你父亲对你在我们合伙关系中承担的工作并不满意，因此不愿意为我们的合伙出资，如果是你一个人的话，他会乐意出钱的。如果的确是这个原因，请告诉我，我会退出，把一切都让给你，我再另找工作吧。”他说：“不是，我的父亲真的非常失望，他的确无力继续出资，我也不想让他愈加难过了。我觉得自己并不适合这个行业，我从小就是务农的，后来来到城里，到了30岁又从头学习一个新的行业，真是犯傻。我们很多威尔士人去了北卡罗来纳定居，那里土地便宜。我也想和他们一起去，重新拾起我的老行当。你可以找些朋友帮你，如果你愿意承担印刷所的债务，把我父亲垫付的100镑还给他，帮我还清我个人的小额欠款，并给我30镑和一副新马鞍，我愿退出合伙，把整个印刷所留给你。”我同意了他的提议，我们立即写下了书面协议，并签字盖章。我把他要求的东西给了他，他不久就去了卡罗来纳，第二年还给我写了两封很长的信，信里对那个地方有着极为详尽丰富的描写，讲述了那里的气候、土地、农业状况等，他对这些方面是非常了解的。我把他的信刊登在报纸上，受到大众的极大欢迎。

As soon as he was gone, I recurr'd to my two friends; and because I would not give an unkind preference to either, I took half of what each had offered and I wanted of one, and half of the other; paid off the company's debts, and went on with the business in my own name, advertising that the partnership was dissolved. I think this was in or about the year 1729.

About this time there was a cry among the people for more paper money, only fifteen thousand pounds being extant in the province, and that soon to be sunk. The wealthy inhabitants oppos'd any addition, being against all paper currency, from an apprehension that it would depreciate, as it had done in New England, to the prejudice of all creditors. We had discuss'd this point in our Junto, where I was on the side of an addition, being persuaded that the first small sum struck in 1723 had done much good by increasing the trade, employment, and number of inhabitants in the province, since I now saw all the old houses inhabited, and many new ones building; whereas I remembered well, that when I first walk'd about the streets of Philadelphia, eating my roll, I saw most of the houses in Walnut-street, between Second and Front streets, with bills on their doors, "To be let" ; and many likewise in Chestnut-street and other streets, which made me then think the inhabitants of the city were deserting it one after another.

Our debates possess'd me so fully of the subject, that I wrote and printed an anonymous pamphlet on it, entitled "The Nature and Necessity of a Paper Currency." It was well receiv'd by the common people in general; but the rich men dislik'd it, for it increas'd and strengthen'd the clamor for more money, and they happening to have no writers among them that were able to answer it, their opposition slacken'd, and the point was carried by a majority in the House. My friends there, who conceiv'd I had been of some service, thought fit to reward me by employing me in printing the money; a very profitable jobb and a great help to me. This was another advantage gain'd by my being able to write.

梅雷迪斯一离开，我就向我那两位朋友求助了。我不想在他们二人中表现出偏爱，以免让他们不高兴，于是我从他们给我提供的，也正是我需要的钱中，两人各借一半，还清了印刷所的债务，然后就以我个人的名义继续经营，并登报说明我和梅雷迪斯的合作关系已经解除。我想这大概是1729年发生的事。

大约这个时候，民众中产生了增发纸币的呼声，当时本州库存纸币只有15,000镑，而且就连这个数字也在不断减少。富有的居民反对增发纸币，甚至反对所有的纸币，因为他们担心纸币如在新英格兰一样贬值，这会对所有债权人不利。我们在互助学习社里讨论过这个问题，我当时赞成增加纸币发行量，因为我认为1723年发行的那一小部分纸币产生了很大好处，扩大了贸易，增加了就业，使本州居民人数上升，因为我见到所有的老房子里都住满了人，许多新建筑也正在建造中。但我也记得很清楚，我第一次走在费城街头吃着我的面包卷时，看见核桃街上以及第二街和前街之间大多数房子的大门上都贴着“招租”的告示，栗子街和其他街道上也有许多，这当时让我觉得居民们正在相继离开本市。

我们的讨论使我时时思考着这个议题，于是我提笔写了一篇匿名文章，并将它印发成小册子，题目为《论纸币的本质和必要性》。这本小册子在普通民众中反响很好，但富人们不喜欢它，因为它增强了对加大纸币发行量的呼声，而富人阶层中又刚好没人能写文章反驳我的观点，于是他们的反对意见削弱了，因此议会以多数赞成通过了增发纸币的议案。我在议会里的朋友认为我也为此出了力，应该让我的印刷所承印纸币，作为对我的奖励。这桩生意利润丰厚，对我产生了很大帮助，这是写作给我带来的又一好处。

The utility of this currency became by time and experience so evident as never afterwards to be much disputed; so that it grew soon to fifty-five thousand pounds, and in 1739 to eighty thousand pounds, since which it arose during war to upwards of three hundred and fifty thousand pounds, trade, building, and inhabitants all the while increasing, till I now think there are limits beyond which the quantity may be hurtful.

I soon after obtain'd, thro' my friend Hamilton, the printing of the Newcastle paper money, another profitable jobb as I then thought it; small things appearing great to those in small circumstances; and these, to me, were really great advantages, as they were great encouragements. He procured for me, also, the printing of the laws and votes of that government, which continu'd in my hands as long as I follow'd the business.

I now open'd a little stationer's shop. I had in it blanks of all sorts, the correctest that ever appear'd among us, being assisted in that by my friend Breintnal. I had also paper, parchment, chapmen's books, etc. One Whitemash, a compositor I had known in London, an excellent workman, now came to me, and work'd with me constantly and diligently; and I took an apprentice, the son of Aquila Rose.

纸币的效用随着时间的流逝和经验的验证变得显而易见，后来再也没有多少争论了。纸币发行量很快达到55,000镑，1739年达到80,000镑，后来战争期间又增加到35万镑，贸易、建筑和居民数量都随之增加。我现在认为纸币发行量应该有个限度，否则也会带来害处。

不久之后，我通过朋友汉密尔顿先生获得了印刷纽卡斯尔纸币的任务，这在当时的我看来又是一笔利润丰厚的生意。对于小生意人来说，一笔小买卖也显得意义重大，而这些生意确实给我带来了很大好处，因为它们对我是莫大的鼓舞。汉密尔顿先生还介绍我承印政府的法律文书和选票，且这些业务在我做印刷这一行时一直是由我来做的。

这时我开了家小文具店。店里卖各式各样的空白单据，是市面上单据中最为准确的，这有赖于我的朋友布莱恩特纳尔的帮助。我的店里还卖纸张、羊皮纸、小贩的账簿等等。我在伦敦认识的一位叫怀特马什的排字工人来到我的店里工作，他干活非常出色，而且始终勤勤恳恳。我还招了个学徒，是阿奎拉·罗斯的儿子。

I began now gradually to pay off the debt I was under for the printing-house. In order to secure my credit and character as a tradesman, I took care not only to be in reality industrious and frugal, but to avoid all appearances to the contrary. I drest plainly; I was seen at no places of idle diversion. I never went out a fishing or shooting; a book, indeed, sometimes debauch'd me from my work, but that was seldom, snug, and gave no scandal; and, to show that I was not above my business, I sometimes brought home the paper I purchas'd at the stores thro' the streets on a wheelbarrow. Thus being esteem'd an industrious, thriving young man, and paying duly for what I bought, the merchants who imported stationery solicited my custom; others proposed supplying me with books, and I went on swimmingly. In the mean time, Keimer's credit and business declining daily, he was at last forc'd to sell his printing house to satisfy his creditors. He went to Barbados[28], and there lived some years in very poor circumstances.

His apprentice, David Harry, whom I had instructed while I work'd with him, set up in his place at Philadelphia, having bought his materials. I was at first apprehensive of a powerful rival in Harry, as his friends were very able, and had a good deal of interest. I therefore propos'd a partnership to him which he, fortunately for me, rejected with scorn. He was very proud, dress'd like a gentleman, liv'd expensively, took much diversion and pleasure abroad, ran in debt, and neglected his business; upon which, all business left him; and, finding nothing to do, he followed Keimer to Barbados, taking the printing-house with him. There this apprentice employ'd his former master as a journeyman; they quarrel'd often; Harry went continually behindhand, and at length was forc'd to sell his types and return to his country work in Pensilvania. The person that bought them employ'd Keimer to use them, but in a few years he died.

此时我开始逐渐偿付印刷所欠的债务。为了维护我作为商人的信用和声誉，我不仅切实做到勤奋节俭，还尽力避免与之相反的种种表现。我穿着朴素，从不光顾打发时光的娱乐场所。我从不外出钓鱼或者打猎，有时读书的确会让我忘记工作，但这种情况很少发生，且非常保险，不会引起流言蜚语。为了表明我没有瞧不起印刷业，我有时会把在商店购买的纸张放在手推车里，自己推着车穿过街道带回家来。因此，我被大家认为是个勤奋有前途的年轻人，买东西总是按时付账，进口文具的商人都希望与我做生意，还有人提出给我供书让我代销，总之我的生意进行得非常顺利。同时，凯默的信誉和生意都日渐衰落，最终被迫把自己的印刷所卖了还债。后来他去了巴巴多斯，在那里窘困地生活了几年。

我在凯默的店里工作时，曾经指导过他的学徒大卫·哈利，现在他买了凯默的印刷设备，也在费城开了印刷店。我起初担心哈利会成为我强有力的对手，因为他的朋友们都非常能干，也很有势力。因此，我向哈利提出要与他合作，但他轻蔑地拒绝了，这对我倒是好事。他为人傲慢，穿得像个绅士，生活奢侈，经常在外面寻欢作乐，还欠下了债务，也不打理自己的生意。因此，他所有的生意都丢了，无事可做之后，就追随凯默去了巴巴多斯，把印刷所也搬了过去。在巴巴多斯，曾经的学徒把从前的老板雇为了工人，他们常常吵架。哈利的债务越来越多，最终不得不卖掉铅字，回到宾夕法尼亚继续务农。买下那些印刷设备的人又雇了凯默来工作，但过了没几年凯默就去世了。

There remained now no competitor with me at Philadelphia but the old one, Bradford; who was rich and easy, did a little printing now and then by straggling hands, but was not very anxious about the business. However, as he kept the post-office, it was imagined he had better opportunities of obtaining news; his paper was thought a better distributer of advertisements than mine, and therefore had many, more, which was a profitable thing to him, and a disadvantage to me; for, tho' I did indeed receive and send papers by the post, yet the publick opinion was otherwise, for what I did send was by bribing the riders, who took them privately, Bradford being unkind enough to forbid it, which occasion'd some resentment on my part; and I thought so meanly of him for it, that, when I afterward came into his situation, I took care never to imitate it.

I had hitherto continu'd to board with Godfrey, who lived in part of my house with his wife and children, and had one side of the shop for his glazier's business, tho' he worked little, being always absorbed in his mathematics. Mrs. Godfrey projected a match for me with a relation's daughter, took opportunities of bringing us often together, till a serious courtship on my part ensu'd, the girl being in herself very deserving. The old folks encourag'd me by continual invitations to supper, and by leaving us together, till at length it was time to explain. Mrs. Godfrey manag'd our little treaty. I let her know that I expected as much money with their daughter as would pay off my remaining debt for the printing-house, which I believe was not then above a hundred pounds. She brought me word they had no such sum to spare; I said they might mortgage their house in the loan-office. The answer to this, after some days, was, that they did not approve the match; that, on inquiry of Bradford, they had been inform'd the printing business was not a profitable one; the types would soon be worn out, and more wanted; that S. Keimer and D. Harry had failed one after the other, and I should probably soon follow them; and, therefore, I was forbidden the house, and the daughter shut up.

此时，除了布拉德福德这位老对手外，费城再没有人和我竞争了。布拉德福德很有钱，生活安逸，偶尔雇些零工做些印刷生意，对此并不是很操心。但是，因为他管理邮局，人们认为他有更好的机会获得新闻，觉得他的报纸在刊登广告方面比我的报纸更有效些，所以他报纸上的广告比我的多，这给他带来很多利润，对我来说非常不利。尽管我的确也是通过邮局发行报纸，但公众却不这么看，因为我发行报纸是通过贿赂邮差，由邮差秘密发送才得以实现，而布拉德福德竟恶意禁止他们这样做。这让我非常愤恨，认为他这么做太可耻了，将来邮局若由我管理，我决不效仿他的做法。

那时我的伙食还是寄在戈弗雷家。戈弗雷和他的妻小住着我房子的一部分，印刷店的一边是他做玻璃生意的地方，但他并不怎么开工，总是埋头于数学之中。戈弗雷夫人想撮合我与她一个亲戚的女儿，经常找机会让我们见面，后来我正式开始追求她，这位女孩儿倒是值得追求的。她父母鼓励我的追求，经常邀请我去吃晚饭，还留下我们单独相处，直到该要谈婚论嫁了。戈弗雷夫人从中大力撮合我们。我告诉她，希望他们女儿陪嫁的财产能帮我付清印刷所剩下的债务，我想那时已经不到100镑了。她给我带话说他们没有那么多钱，我说他们可以去当铺抵押房子。过了些日子，他们那边答复说不赞成我们的婚事了。在询问了布拉德福德之后，他们了解到印刷所并不是很赚钱的生意，铅字磨损得很快，常要购买新的，凯默和哈利的生意都相继失败了，我可能很快也要步他们的后尘，所以，他们不再让我进他们家门，他们的女儿也被锁在了屋子里。

Whether this was a real change of sentiment or only artifice, on a supposition of our being too far engaged in affection to retract, and therefore that we should steal a marriage, which would leave them at liberty to give or withhold what they pleas'd, I know not; but I suspected the latter, resented it, and went no more. Mrs. Godfrey brought me afterward some more favorable accounts of their disposition, and would have drawn me on again; but I declared absolutely my resolution to have nothing more to do with that family. This was resented by the Godfreys; we differ'd, and they removed, leaving me the whole house, and I resolved to take no more inmates.

But this affair having turned my thoughts to marriage, I look'd round me and made overtures of acquaintance in other places; but soon found that, the business of a printer being generally thought a poor one, I was not to expect money with a wife, unless with such a one as I should not otherwise think agreeable. In the mean time, that hard-to-be-governed passion of youth hurried me frequently into intrigues with low women that fell in my way, which were attended with some expense and great inconvenience, besides a continual risque to my health by a distemper which of all things I dreaded, though by great good luck I escaped it. A friendly correspondence as neighbors and old acquaintances had continued between me and Mrs. Read's family, who all had a regard for me from the time of my first lodging in their house. I was often invited there and consulted in their affairs, wherein I sometimes was of service. I piti'd poor Miss Read's unfortunate situation, who was generally dejected, seldom cheerful, and avoided company. I considered my giddiness and inconstancy when in London as in a great degree the cause of her unhappiness, tho' the mother was good enough to think the fault more her own than mine, as she had prevented our marrying before I went thither, and persuaded the other match in my absence. Our mutual affection was revived, but there were now great objections to our union. The match was indeed looked upon as invalid, a preceding wife being said to be living in England; but this could not easily be prov'd, because of the distance; and, tho' there was a report of his death, it was not certain. Then, tho' it should be true, he had left many debts, which his successor might be call'd upon to pay. We ventured, however, over all these difficulties, and I took her to wife, September 1st, 1730. None of the inconveniences happened that we had apprehended, she proved a good and faithful helpmate, assisted me much by attending the shop; we throve together, and have ever mutually endeavored to make each other happy. Thus I corrected that great erratum as well as I could.

这是他们情感的真正改变还是只是计谋，以为我们用情已深无法自拔，会想办法偷偷结为连理，从而使他们随心所欲地给些陪嫁财产或是什么也不给，这个我就不得而知了，我怀疑是后者，于是心里忿忿不平，再也不去她家了。戈弗雷夫人后来告诉我他们的想法有所改变，希望我能回头，但我断然宣布说决心不再与那户人家往来了。这让戈弗雷一家非常气愤，我们之间产生了裂痕，于是他们搬出了印刷所。我一人住在这所大房子里，决心再也不找人合租了。

但这件事情让我开始考虑自己的婚姻大事了。我开始在自己身边留意，也认识了其他地方的一些人，但我很快发现，人们一般认为开印刷店不是什么赚钱的生意，所以我不能指望未来的妻子会带着财产陪嫁过来，而但凡有钱陪嫁的，她的人又不合我意。这段时间，那难以抑制的年轻人的欲念让我常和偶然遇见的粗俗女人厮混，花费了不少金钱，带来了很大不便，最让我害怕的是有染上疾病的危险，不过很幸运，我没有染上。当时，作为邻居和老朋友，我和里德小姐一家还有着友好来往，从我起初在他们家寄宿时起，他们一家就对我非常关心。他们常常邀我去家里，和我商量他们的事情，有时我也能帮上些忙。我很同情可怜的里德小姐的处境，她郁郁寡欢，极少开怀，还处处躲着人。我认为她的不幸在很大程度上是我在伦敦时的轻率和缺乏定性所致，尽管她母亲善意地把责任归咎于自己身上，因为她那时不许我们在我离开前结婚，我走之后又劝女儿嫁给了别人。我和里德小姐旧情复燃了，但当时我们之间还是有很大阻力。她和她丈夫的婚姻虽然已被认为失效，他的妻子据说现在生活在英国，但这些事情因为距离的原因不易证实，还有尽管有人说他已经去世，但这也是不确定的。另外，即使这些消息都属实，他还留下许多债务，可能要由他妻子的下一任丈夫来还。但我们还是不顾一切，毅然于1730年9月1日结婚了。我们担心的麻烦事都没有发生，她是一位善良忠实的好帮手，在照管店铺上给了我很大帮助。我们幸福地生活在一起，努力让对方过得快乐。就这样，我算是尽力改正了我的这个大错。

About this time, our club meeting, not at a tavern, but in a little room of Mr. Grace's, set apart for that purpose, a proposition was made by me, that, since our books were often referr'd to in our disquisitions upon the queries, it might be convenient to us to have them altogether where we met, that upon occasion they might be consulted; and by thus clubbing our books to a common library, we should, while we lik'd to keep them together, have each of us the advantage of using the books of all the other members, which would be nearly as beneficial as if each owned the whole. It was lik'd and agreed to, and we fill'd one end of the room with such books as we could best spare. The number was not so great as we expected; and tho' they had been of great use, yet some inconveniences occurring for want of due care of them, the collection, after about a year, was separated, and each took his books home again.

And now I set on foot my first project of a public nature, that for a subscription library. I drew up the proposals, got them put into form by our great scrivener, Brockden, and, by the help of my friends in the Junto, procured fifty subscribers of forty shillings each to begin with, and ten shillings a year for fifty years, the term our company was to continue. We afterwards obtain'd a charter, the company being increased to one hundred: this was the mother of all the North American subscription libraries, now so numerous. It is become a great thing itself, and continually increasing. These libraries have improved the general conversation of the Americans, made the common tradesmen and farmers as intelligent as most gentlemen from other countries, and perhaps have contributed in some degree to the stand so generally made throughout the colonies in defense of their privileges.

大约这个时候，我们学习社的聚会从酒馆搬到了格雷斯先生家为此分开的一个小房间里，搬迁是我提议的，因为我们讨论问题时经常要参阅书籍，如果能把这些书集中在我们聚会的地方，那就很方便了，需要时我们就能随时参考。我们把各自的书合并为一个普通图书馆，集中保管，我们每个人都能使用其他成员的书，这样就像我们每个人都拥有所有藏书一样了。这个提议得到了大家的支持和赞同，于是我们在这个房间的一端放满了我们能拿出来的所有书籍。书的数目没有我们原先预料得那么多，尽管它们十分有用，但因为缺乏对书籍的适当照管，有些麻烦事发生，大约一年以后，我们又把藏书分开，各自把书搬回了家。

这时我开始着手进行我第一个带有公共性质的计划，就是建立一个会员图书馆。我起草了规划，由大公证人布罗克登帮我整理成型，在我互助学习社的朋友们的帮助下，我征集到了50位会员，每人先交40先令，以后50年每年再交10先令，这是我们图书馆打算维持的期限。后来我们获得了特许状，会员也增加到了100位，这是北美所有会员图书馆的前身，现在这样的图书馆已经为数众多了。图书馆本身成为一项伟大的事业，而且在持续扩大。这些图书馆改善了美洲人的谈吐，使得一般的商人和农民也和其他国家大多数绅士一样拥有智慧，也许在某种程度上，它们对全殖民地人民纷纷奋起保卫自身权益也作出了贡献。

[1] 玛丽女王统治时期，强行恢复天主教，血腥镇压新教徒，天主教有了短暂的复苏。

[2] 圣公会，为英国国教。

[3] 《新英格兰宗教史》（The Ecclesiastical History of New England），此处为拉丁文。

[4] 约翰·班扬（1628—1688），英国散文作家、清教牧师，反对王政复辟，因传教违反国教规定，曾被囚禁12年，代表作为《天路历程》。

[5] 罗伯特·伯顿（1577—1640），英国圣公会牧师、学者和作家，以内容博大的《忧郁的剖析》一书而闻名于世。

[6] 普卢塔克（约46—约120），古希腊传记作家、哲学家，一生写有大量作品，其中最著名的为《希腊罗马名人比较列传》。

[7] 丹尼尔·笛福（1660—1731），英国小说家、报刊撰稿人，写过讽刺诗和大量政论小册子，曾自办《评论》杂志，后从事冒险小说创作，代表作为《鲁宾逊漂流记》。

[8] 科顿·马瑟（1663—1728），牧师，推广天花疫苗接种，著有《美洲志异》一书，共发表著作四百多种。

[9] 爱德华·柯克（1631—1676），英国著名算术家，著名教科书《柯克算术》的作者。

[10] 约翰·洛克（1632—1704），英国经验主义哲学家，反对“天赋观念”论，提出人类知识起源于感性世界的经验论学说，主张君主立宪政体，著有《政府论》、《人类悟性论》等。

[11] 色诺芬（约公元前435—约前354），古希腊将领、历史学家，苏格拉底的学生，著有 《远征记》、《希腊史》、《回忆苏格拉底》等。

[12] 亚历山大·蒲柏（1688—1744），英国诗人，长于讽刺，善用英雄偶体，著有长篇讽刺诗《夺发记》、《群愚史诗》等，并翻译荷马史诗《伊里亚特》和《奥德赛》。

[13] 古用法，discover在这里指“泄露、透露”，而非“发现”。

[14] “诚实的约翰”指《天路历程》的作者约翰·班扬。

[15] 塞缪尔·理查森（1689—1761），英国小说家，其书信体小说《帕美勒》、《克拉丽莎》和《查尔斯·葛兰迪森爵士》对18世纪西欧文学影响深远，《帕美勒》被称为英国第一部小说。

[16] 马德拉白葡萄酒，一种烈酒，产于北大西洋马德拉岛。

[17] pound sterling即pound，英镑。

[18] （基督教的）四旬斋，指复活节前为期40天的斋戒和忏悔，以纪念耶稣在荒野禁食。

[19] 皮斯托尔：早先用于西班牙的一种金币，欧洲某些国家一直用到19世纪末。

[20] 伯纳德·曼德维尔（1670—1733），荷兰裔英国医生、作家，著有《蜜蜂的寓言》等。

[21] 爱德华·杨（1683—1765），英国诗人、剧作家，以长篇讽喻诗《哀怨：或夜里》著称，还写有剧本《报复》、论文《试论独创性作品》等。

[22] 品脱，液量或某些干量的计量单位，等于0.568升。

[23] 圣星期一，源自爱尔兰制鞋工人因星期天饮乐过度，星期一干活便无精打采，犹如又一个星期天。

[24] 圣维罗妮卡是在耶稣受难途中为耶稣擦脸的人，而后来耶稣的影像神奇般地在布上显现。

[25] 唐·索尔特洛咖啡馆，位于伦敦切尔西，1695年由詹姆斯·索尔特建立。

[26] 约翰·德莱顿（1631—1700），英国诗人、戏剧家、评论家，以喜剧《时髦的婚姻》和悲剧《一切为了爱情》最为有名。

[27] 克朗，1克朗=5先令。

[28] 巴巴多斯，拉丁美洲国家。

PART TWO

(Memo. Thus far was written with the intention express'd in the beginning and therefore contains several little family anecdotes of no importance to others. What follows was written many years after in compliance with the advice contain'd in these letters, and accordingly intended for the public. The affairs of the Revolution occasion'd the interruption.)

Letter from Mr. Abel James, with Notes of my Life (received in Paris).

"MY DEAR AND HONORED FRIEND:

I have often been desirous of writing to thee, but could not be reconciled to the thought that the letter might fall into the hands of the British, lest some printer or busy-body should publish some part of the contents, and give our friend pain, and myself censure.

"Some time since there fell into my hands, to my great joy, about twenty-three sheets in thy own handwriting, containing an account of the parentage and life of thyself, directed to thy son, ending in the year 1730, with which there were notes, likewise in thy writing; a copy of which I inclose, in hopes it may be a means, if thou continued it up to a later period, that the first and latter part may be put together; and if it is not yet continued, I hope thee will not delay it. Life is uncertain, as the preacher tells us; and what will the world say if kind, humane, and benevolent Ben. Franklin should leave his friends and the world deprived of so pleasing and profitable a work; a work which would be useful and entertaining not only to a few, but to millions? The influence writings under that class have on the minds of youth is very great, and has nowhere appeared to me so plain, as in our public friend's journals. It almost insensibly leads the youth into the resolution of endeavoring to become as good and eminent as the journalist. Should thine, for instance, when published (and I think it could not fail of it), lead the youth to equal the industry and temperance of thy early youth, what a blessing with that class would such a work be! I know of no character living, nor many of them put together, who has so much in his power as thyself to promote a greater spirit of industry and early attention to business, frugality, and temperance with the American youth. Not that I think the work would have no other merit and use in the world, far from it; but the first is of such vast importance that I know nothing that can equal it."

第二部分

(备忘：写了这么多，写作目的在开头已经交代，因此文中包含一些对他人无足轻重的家庭轶事。接下来是多年以后根据他人信中的建议所写，是写给公众看的。革命的爆发曾使写作中断。)

这是埃布尔·詹姆斯先生的一封来信，信中附有我的生活记录（信是在巴黎收到的）。

“我亲爱而尊敬的朋友：

我常想给您写信，但想到信件可能会落入英国佬手中又只好作罢，免得某些印刷商或好事者将信的部分内容发表出来，给我的朋友带来伤害，让我自己受到责难。

一段时间前我得到了您的23张手稿，非常高兴，其中讲述了您的出身和生平，是写给您儿子的，一直写到了1730年，还有一些注释，也是您的笔迹。我把它抄录了一份，随信附上，如果您能继续写下去，延续到后来的时期，希望这抄本可以用来把前后两个时期连接起来。如果您还没有动笔，我希望您不要再拖延了。牧师告诫我们，人生变幻无常，如果善良仁慈的本·富兰克林离开人世，这世界就会失去一部令人愉悦又很有价值的作品，一部不只局限于少数人，而是对数百万人而言都有用有趣的作品，到时人们该说什么呢？这类作品对年轻人思想的影响非常深远，在我看来，像您这样一位公众人物的日志所起的作用更是显而易见。它几乎在不知不觉中使年轻人下定决心，要努力成为日志记录者这样优秀、杰出的人。打比方说，如果您的作品得以发表（我想这是没有问题的），它将引导年轻人效仿您早年时候的勤奋和节制，这样一部作品对于他们来说是何等的幸事啊！据我所知，现今在世的人里没有谁能够像您一样有能力帮助美洲青年培养勤奋、潜心事业、节俭生活以及自我克制的品质，即使许多人的合力也起不到您这样的作用。我并非说除此以外您的作品别无其他优点和作用，远非如此，但它的首要作用如此重要，我认为没有什么可与之匹敌。

The foregoing letter and the minutes accompanying it being shown to a friend, I received from him the following:

Letter from Mr. Benjamin Vaughan. "PARIS, January 31, 1783.

"My DEAREST SIR: When I had read over your sheets of minutes of the principal incidents of your life, recovered for you by your Quaker acquaintance, I told you I would send you a letter expressing my reasons why I thought it would be useful to complete and publish it as he desired. Various concerns have for some time past prevented this letter being written, and I do not know whether it was worth any expectation; happening to be at leisure, however, at present, I shall by writing, at least interest and instruct myself; but as the terms I am inclined to use may tend to offend a person of your manners, I shall only tell you how I would address any other person, who was as good and as great as yourself, but less diffident. I would say to him, Sir, I solicit the history of your life from the following motives: Your history is so remarkable, that if you do not give it, somebody else will certainly give it; and perhaps so as nearly to do as much harm, as your own management of the thing might do good. It will moreover present a table of the internal circumstances of your country, which will very much tend to invite to it settlers of virtuous and manly minds. And considering the eagerness with which such information is sought by them, and the extent of your reputation, I do not know of a more efficacious advertisement than your biography would give. All that has happened to you is also connected with the detail of the manners and situation of a rising people; and in this respect I do not think that the writings of Caesar[1] and Tacitus[2] can be more interesting to a true judge of human nature and society. But these, sir, are small reasons, in my opinion, compared with the chance which your life will give for the forming of future great men; and in conjunction with your Art of Virtue (which you design to publish) of improving the features of private character, and consequently of aiding all happiness, both public and domestic. The two works I allude to, sir, will in particular give a noble rule and example of self-education. School and other education constantly proceed upon false principles, and show a clumsy apparatus pointed at a false mark; but your apparatus is simple, and the mark a true one; and while parents and young persons are left destitute of other just means of estimating and becoming prepared for a reasonable course in life, your discovery that the thing is in many a man's private power, will be invaluable! Influence upon the private character, late in life, is not only an influence late in life, but a weak influence. It is in youth that we plant our chief habits and prejudices; it is in youth that we take our party as to profession, pursuits and matrimony. In youth, therefore, the turn is given; in youth the education even of the next generation is given; in youth the private and public character is determined; and the term of life extending but from youth to age, life ought to begin well from youth, and more especially before we take our party as to our principal objects. But your biography will not merely teach self-education, but the education of a wise man; and the wisest man will receive lights and improve his progress, by seeing detailed the conduct of another wise man. And why are weaker men to be deprived of such helps, when we see our race has been blundering on in the dark, almost without a guide in this particular, from the farthest trace of time? Show then, sir, how much is to be done, both to sons and fathers; and invite all wise men to become like yourself, and other men to become wise. When we see how cruel statesmen and warriors can be to the human race, and how absurd distinguished men can be to their acquaintance, it will be instructive to observe the instances multiply of pacific, acquiescing manners; and to find how compatible it is to be great and domestic, enviable and yet good-humored.

"The little private incidents which you will also have to relate, will have considerable use, as we want, above all things, rules of prudence in ordinary affairs; and it will be curious to see how you have acted in these. It will be so far a sort of key to life, and explain many things that all men ought to have once explained to them, to give, them a chance of becoming wise by foresight. The nearest thing to having experience of one's own, is to have other people's affairs brought before us in a shape that is interesting; this is sure to happen from your pen; your affairs and management will have an air of simplicity or importance that will not fail to strike; and I am convinced you have conducted them with as much originality as if you had been conducting discussions in politics or philosophy; and what more worthy of experiments and system (its importance and its errors considered) than human life?

"Some men have been virtuous blindly, others have speculated fantastically, and others have been shrewd to bad purposes; but you, sir, I am sure, will give under your hand, nothing but what is at the same moment, wise, practical and good, your account of yourself (for I suppose the parallel I am drawing for Dr. Franklin, will hold not only in point of character, but of private history) will show that you are ashamed of no origin; a thing the more important, as you prove how little necessary all origin is to happiness, virtue, or greatness. As no end likewise happens without a means, so we shall find, sir, that even you yourself framed a plan by which you became considerable; but at the same time we may see that though the event is flattering, the means are as simple as wisdom could make them; that is, depending upon nature, virtue, thought and habit. Another thing demonstrated will be the propriety of everyman's waiting for his time for appearing upon the stage of the world. Our sensations being very much fixed to the moment, we are apt to forget that more moments are to follow the first, and consequently that man should arrange his conduct so as to suit the whole of a life. Your attribution appears to have been applied to your life, and the passing moments of it have been enlivened with content and enjoyment instead of being tormented with foolish impatience or regrets. Such a conduct is easy for those who make virtue and themselves in countenance by examples of other truly great men, of whom patience is so often the characteristic. Your Quaker correspondent, sir (for here again I will suppose the subject of my letter resembling Dr. Franklin), praised your frugality, diligence and temperance, which he considered as a pattern for all youth; but it is singular that he should have forgotten your modesty and your disinterestedness, without which you never could have waited for your advancement, or found your situation in the mean time comfortable; which is a strong lesson to show the poverty of glory and the importance of regulating our minds. If this correspondent had known the nature of your reputation as well as I do, he would have said, Your former writings and measures would secure attention to your Biography, and Art of Virtue; and your Biography and Art of Virtue, in return, would secure attention to them. This is an advantage attendant upon a various character, and which brings all that belongs to it into greater play; and it is the more useful, as perhaps more persons are at a loss for the means of improving their minds and characters, than they are for the time or the inclination to do it. But there is one concluding reflection, sir, that will shew the use of your life as a mere piece of biography. This style of writing seems a little gone out of vogue, and yet it is a very useful one; and your specimen of it may be particularly serviceable, as it will make a subject of comparison with the lives of various public cutthroats and intriguers, and with absurd monastic self-tormentors or vain literary triflers. If it encourages more writings of the same kind with your own, and induces more men to spend lives fit to be written, it will be worth all Plutarch's Lives put together. But being tired of figuring to myself a character of which every feature suits only one man in the world, without giving him the praise of it, I shall end my letter, my dear Dr. Franklin, with a personal application to your proper self. I am earnestly desirous, then, my dear sir, that you should let the world into the traits of your genuine character, as civil broils nay otherwise tend to disguise or traduce it. Considering your great age, the caution of your character, and your peculiar style of thinking, it is not likely that any one besides yourself can be sufficiently master of the facts of your life, or the intentions of your mind. Besides all this, the immense revolution of the present period, will necessarily turn our attention towards the author of it, and when virtuous principles have been pretended in it, it will be highly important to shew that such have really influenced; and, as your own character will be the principal one to receive a scrutiny, it is proper (even for its effects upon your vast and rising country, as well as upon England and upon Europe) that it should stand respectable and eternal. For the furtherance of human happiness, I have always maintained that it is necessary to prove that man is not even at present a vicious and detestable animal; and still more to prove that good management may greatly amend him; and it is for much the same reason, that I am anxious to see the opinion established, that there are fair characters existing among the individuals of the race; for the moment that all men, without exception, shall be conceived abandoned, good people will cease efforts deemed to be hopeless, and perhaps think of taking their share in the scramble of life, or at least of making it comfortable principally for themselves. Take then, my dear sir, this work most speedily into hand: shew yourself good as you are good; temperate as you are temperate; and above all things, prove yourself as one, who from your infancy have loved justice, liberty and concord, in a way that has made it natural and consistent for you to have acted, as we have seen you act in the last seventeen years of your life. Let Englishmen be made not only to respect, but even to love you. When they think well of individuals in your native country, they will go nearer to thinking well of your country; and when your countrymen see themselves well thought of by Englishmen, they will go nearer to thinking well of England. Extend your views even further; do not stop at those who speak the English tongue, but after having settled so many points in nature and politics, think of bettering the whole race of men. As I have not read any part of the life in question, but know only the character that lived it, I write somewhat at hazard. I am sure, however, that the life and the treatise I allude to (on the Art of Virtue) will necessarily fulfil the chief of my expectations; and still more so if you take up the measure of suiting these performances to the several views above stated. Should they even prove unsuccessful in all that a sanguine admirer of yours hopes from them, you will at least have framed pieces to interest the human mind; and whoever gives a feeling of pleasure that is innocent to man, has added so much to the fair side of a life otherwise too much darkened by anxiety and too much injured by pain. In the hope, therefore, that you will listen to the prayer addressed to you in this letter, I beg to subscribe myself, my dearest sir, etc., etc.,

"Signed, BENJ. VAUGHAN."

Continuation of the Account of my Life, begun at Passy, near Paris, 1784.

我把前面这封信和附在信中的记录交给一个朋友看，后来收到他下面这封回信：

本杰明·沃恩先生的来信：

“亲爱的先生：

我读完了您贵格会的朋友寄还给您的关于您人生重大事件的记录后，曾说过要给您写一封信，陈述为什么我认为您如他所盼写完并发表您的自传将非常有益。以前种种琐事让我没能提笔，我也不知这封信是否值得您对它的期望，但我最近恰好有空，所以决定提起笔来，至少这是我自己感兴趣并将使自身受益的。也许我的措词会引起您这样人物的不悦，但我只想告诉您，如果是给另一位像您这样善良伟大、但不如您谦逊的人写信，我会怎样述说。我会和他说，先生，基于以下几个原因，我请您将自己的人生历程记录下来：您的过去如此非同寻常，如果您自己不记录下来，一定会有人为您记录，这样或许会带来许多危害，而由您亲自记述则要好得多；此外，您还可以借此对贵国的内部情形详加描述，这很可能会吸引善良勇敢的人移民于此，考虑到他们正热切地搜寻这类信息，而您又是如此美名远扬，我想，再也没有比您的自传更有效的广告了。您的所有经历也是与一个崛起民族的风俗和处境相关联的，从此种角度来看，我认为对于研究人性和人类社会的真正行家来说，您的自传可与恺撒和塔西佗的作品相媲美。但先生，在我看来这些理由并不重要，因为您的人生传记还可能对未来伟人的塑造产生影响，并与您所著的《道德的艺术》一起（您打算发表的）对改善个人性格，从而增进社会和家庭幸福起到重要作用。先生，我提到的这两部作品将为自我教育提供崇高的法则和范例。学校教育和其他教育形式常常根据错误的原理进行，它们使用笨拙的方法，指向错误的目标；您的方法则十分简单，目标也非常正确。当父母和孩子缺乏正确的途径，无法作出评估并为合理的人生道路做好准备时，您却发现，这方法就存在于许多人的个人力量中，这是多么宝贵啊！对个人性格的影响，如果发生在人生后期，不仅为时太晚，而且影响微弱。我们主要习惯的培养、主要见解的形成，是在青年时期；我们选择职业、确定追求、步入婚姻，是在青年时期。因此，我们人生转折点的形成，也在青年时期；青年时期我们甚至确定了对下一代的教育；青年时期我们形成了为人所知的性格，和唯己所察的内心。人生的长度唯青年到老年而已，因此青年时，人生就当有个善始，尤其是在我们确定人生的主要目标之前。但您的自传绝不仅仅讲授自我教育，而是论述进行教育从而成为一位智者的方法；大智之人将从其他智者的行为细节中得到启示，并取得进步。当我们回头看到远古以来人类一直在黑暗中摸索，跌跌撞撞，无人指引，我们为什么还要剥夺弱者获得帮助的机会呢？所以先生啊，告诉父亲们和儿子们该做些什么吧，让智者都能成为像您一样的人物，让其他人都能成为智者。当我们看到政治家和好战者对待人类同胞是如何残酷，看到所谓杰出人士对待朋友是如何荒唐时，如果能见平和顺从的风气渐长，发现伟大与擅长理家，令人称羡与平易近人的诸多品格是如何协调地集于一身，人们将受益无穷。

您在自传中必然讲述的琐碎私事也会很有帮助，因为我们最需培养日常生活中审慎的原则，所以想看您是怎样处理这些事情的。您的自传将会成为生活的一把钥匙，向人们解释早该有人解释过的许多问题，并给他们一个因深谋远虑而变得睿智的机会。与自己亲身经历最为接近的，是阅读他人那描写得饶有趣味的类似经历，而您的文笔一定不会让我们失望。您的为人处世将会给人平易朴实的感觉，或令人深深意识到这种处世态度的重要性。我确信您在处理这些事务时充满了独到之处，如同您在政治学或哲学讨论中表现的一样；考虑到人生的重要性及种种过失，又有什么比人生更值得尝试，更值得进行系统总结规划的呢？

有些人盲目地死守道德，有人胡乱猜想、天马行空，还有人心怀不轨、精于算计，但先生，我相信您所写的一定是睿智、实用而又良善的。您在自述中表明（我想我所描述的与富兰克林博士类似的这个人，不仅在品行方面与您相近，在个人经历上也是如此），您不以出身卑微为耻，这一点非常重要，因为您证明了对于幸福、美德和伟大而言，出身是多么无关紧要。没有哪个目标无需通过一定的方法就能实现，所以，先生，我们发现甚至连您都制定了使自己出类拔萃的计划，但同时我们也看到，尽管计划的最终结果让人欢喜，而其方法也是人类智慧所能想到的最为简单的办法，那就是依靠人的本性、美德、思想和习惯。自传中体现的另外一点就是每个人都应等待合适的时机，登上世界的舞台。我们常常过于关注当下，忘了来日方长，因此人应当合理安排自己的行为，以与整个人生相契合。您的这种品质似乎就贯穿于您的整个人生中，使得人生的每个短暂瞬间都因知足和愉悦之心而充满生气，不为愚蠢的急躁或懊悔而备受折磨。对于那些以真正的伟人为榜样，恪守道德修身养性的人来说，这样的举止并不困难，因为伟人们通常具备耐心。先生，给您写信的那位贵格会朋友（这里我要再次假设我的信是写给一个类似富兰克林博士的人）赞扬您的节俭、勤奋和节制，他认为这是所有年轻人应当效仿的典范，但奇怪的是，他却忘了您的谦虚谨慎、公正无私，没有这两点，您不会耐心等待人生道路上的前进，也不会舒心坦然地面对自己的遭遇。这是有力的一课，表明荣耀和名誉是多么空洞，而调节自己的心智又是多么重要。如果给您写信的人如我一样了解您名声的实质，他会说，您以前的文章和行为将使人们注意到您的《自传》和《道德的艺术》，而反过来，您的《自传》和《道德的艺术》又将使人们注意到您以前的文章和行为。这是拥有丰满人格的人所拥有的优势，它能使自身拥有的一切品质更加充分地发挥出来，这也更有用，因为也许更多的人是不知到底如何提升心智、磨炼性格，而非没有时间或意愿去实现。但我最后还有一个想法，先生，那就是说明把您的生平作为一部纯粹的传记的用处。写传记似乎有些不太时兴了，但它还是非常有用的，尤其是您写的自传，一定更为有用，因为我们可以将传记中您的人生与各类凶残者和阴谋家的人生相比较，与荒诞的修道院苦行僧或目空一切、游手好闲的文人相比较。如果您的传记能鼓舞更多人写出这样的作品，激励更多人过上充满意义、值得提笔记载的生活，那么它的价值将相当于普卢塔克的所有传记价值之和。但我已厌倦了在自己脑海中勾勒这样一个人物——他的每种特征只契合于这世上的唯一一人——而不给他应有的赞颂。亲爱的富兰克林博士，在我结束这封信前，我想向您提个私人请求。我热忱盼望，亲爱的先生，您能让世人了解您真实的性格特征，否则它可能被争吵斗争所掩盖甚至损害。考虑到您年事已高，性格谨慎，思维方式又十分独特，恐怕除了您自己，再无他人能对您的人生历程和思想意图有充分的了解了。除此之外，现阶段革命形势如火如荼，人们必将注意到这场革命的发起者；既然革命宣称以某些道德原则为基础，那么告诉世人这些道德原则真正影响了革命就显得至关重要，而您的人格，必将成为公众瞩目的焦点，因此，它应当是值得尊敬并将流芳百世的（即使考虑到它对您幅员辽阔、正在崛起的国家的影响，以及对英国、对欧洲的影响也是如此）。为了促进人类的幸福，我一直认为很有必要证实，即使现在人类也不是生性卑劣、可憎的动物，而证明人性能够通过良好的管理大为改进则更为必要；出于同样原因，我极希望看到，人们相信人世间仍有高尚的灵魂存在，因为一旦人们认为所有人都无一例外地寡廉鲜耻、自甘堕落，那么善良的人们会放弃认为注定无望的努力，可能也会想在人生的无情争夺中分得一杯羹，或至少为自己谋得个安逸舒适的所在。所以啊，我亲爱的先生，尽快着手这项工作吧：您是善良的，就写出您的善良；您是节制的，就写出您的节制；尤为重要的是，证明您自幼就热爱正义、自由和和谐，这种热爱出于自然，一以贯之，正如过去17年里我们眼见您的为人处世一般。让英国人不仅尊敬您，更爱戴您吧。当他们对贵国的个别国民产生敬意时，他们会进一步对贵国产生敬意；而当您的同胞知道英国人对他们心怀敬意时，他们也会进一步对英国产生敬意。把您的眼光再放长远些，不要仅仅关注讲英语的国家，在解决了自然和政治上如此多的问题后，考虑为全人类的进步而努力吧。由于我没有读过这部自传的任何部分，只是认识自传的主人公，所以我的信可能写得有失妥当。但我相信，您的自传和我提到的您的论文（见《道德的艺术》）必将满足我的主要期望，如果您写作时还能想着上面提到的几点想法，那就再好不过了。即使这些作品没有使您热忱的仰慕者的期望得到满足，您至少可以创作几篇愉悦心智的作品。如果能给人带来单纯的快乐，那么也为人生增添了许多美好，否则这人生会因焦虑而黯然失色，会因痛苦而备受折磨。因此，希望您能听从我这封信里对您的祈求，最亲爱的先生，我请求您同意。

本杰明·沃恩

1783年1月31日，巴黎”

（自传续，1784年写于巴黎附近的帕西）

It is some time since I receiv'd the above letters, but I have been too busy till now to think of complying with the request they contain. It might, too, be much better done if I were at home among my papers, which would aid my memory, and help to ascertain dates; but my return being uncertain and having just now a little leisure, I will endeavor to recollect and write what I can; if I live to get home, it may there be corrected and improv'd.

Not having any copy here of what is already written, I know not whether an account is given of the means I used to establish the Philadelphia public library, which, from a small beginning, is now become so considerable, though I remember to have come down to near the time of that transaction (1730). I will therefore begin here with an account of it, which may be struck out if found to have been already given.

At the time I establish'd myself in Pennsylvania, there was not a good bookseller's shop in any of the colonies to the southward of Boston. In New York and Philad'a the printers were indeed stationers; they sold only paper, etc., almanacs, ballads, and a few common school-books. Those who lov'd reading were oblig'd to send for their books from England; the members of the Junto had each a few. We had left the alehouse, where we first met, and hired a room to hold our club in. I propos'd that we should all of us bring our books to that room, where they would not only be ready to consult in our conferences, but become a common benefit, each of us being at liberty to borrow such as he wish'd to read at home. This was accordingly done, and for some time contented us.

我收到上面两封信有些时日了，但我一直太忙，直到现在才想起满足信里提出的要求。若我能在家里写作，手边有我以前写的文章帮助回忆，让我确定某些事件的时间，也许我能写得更好。但我还不知何时回去，现在又有些空闲，所以我尽量回忆，把我所能记得的事情写下来；若我有生之年能够回去，再来更正错误、修改文章吧。

我手头没有已经写完的手稿，所以不知道是否已经讲述过费城公共图书馆是怎么建立的，图书馆起步时很小，而现在已有相当规模了。我记得已经写到建立图书馆这件事情前后了（1730年），所以我就接着从这儿开始吧，如果以后发现这部分已经写过，那就再把它删掉吧。

我在宾夕法尼亚立业时，在波士顿以南的任何一片殖民地都找不到一家好书店。在纽约和费城，印刷所实际上就是文具店，只出售纸张等物品，还有年历、民歌和一些普通的学校课本，热爱读书的人只好请人从英国代为买书。互助学习社的成员每人都有些藏书，我们当时已经离开了最初见面的酒馆，租了间房子用于俱乐部聚会。我提议大家把各自的藏书都带到那间房子里来，这样不但我们聚会时能随时参阅相关书籍，还能使大家都受益，每个人都能把他想读的书借回家去阅读。于是我们就这样做了，这让我们好一段时间里都非常满意。

Finding the advantage of this little collection, I propos'd to render the benefit from books more common, by commencing a public subscription library. I drew a sketch of the plan and rules that would be necessary, and got a skilful conveyancer, Mr. Charles Brockden, to put the whole in form of articles of agreement to be subscribed, by which each subscriber engag'd to pay a certain sum down for the first purchase of books, and an annual contribution for increasing them. So few were the readers at that time in Philadelphia, and the majority of us so poor, that I was not able, with great industry, to find more than fifty persons, mostly young tradesmen, willing to pay down for this purpose forty shillings each, and ten shillings per annum. On this little fund we began. The books were imported; the library wag opened one day in the week for lending to the subscribers, on their promissory notes to pay double the value if not duly returned. The institution soon manifested its utility, was imitated by other towns, and in other provinces. The libraries were augmented by donations; reading became fashionable; and our people, having no publick amusements to divert their attention from study, became better acquainted with books, and in a few years were observ'd by strangers to be better instructed and more intelligent than people of the same rank generally are in other countries.

When we were about to sign the above-mentioned articles, which were to be binding upon us, our heirs, etc., for fifty years, Mr. Brockden, the scrivener, said to us, "You are young men, but it is scarcely probable that any of you will live to see the expiration of the term fix'd in the instrument." A number of us, however, are yet living; but the instrument was after a few years rendered null by a charter that incorporated and gave perpetuity to the company.

发现这个小型藏书库的好处后，我又提议开办一个公共会员图书馆，让读书的好处惠及更多人。我草拟了一份必要的开办计划和规章，请经验丰富的代办人查尔斯·布罗克登先生把它整理为订阅协议条款。根据协议，每位会员要先交一笔钱作为首次购书的费用，以后每年还要再支付一定金额使图书馆可以添置书籍。当时费城的读书人少之又少，我们大多数人又非常贫穷，因此尽管我四处奔波，最终也只能找到50位会员而已。大多数都是年轻工匠，每人愿意为此先掏40先令，以后每年再出10先令。我们的图书馆就以这笔小小的资金启动了。书是在国外购买的，图书馆每周开放一天，可让会员借阅书籍，借阅时需要出一份承诺书，承诺如未按期归还，将缴纳书价两倍的罚金。图书馆很快显示了它的用处，其他各州的城镇也纷纷效仿。后来有了捐款，图书馆的规模日益扩大，读书的风气渐渐培养起来。我们的人民没有别的公共消遣可以转移注意力，就愈加热爱读书。几年之后，外国人就发现，我们的人民比他国同一阶层的民众文化水平更高，更有智慧。

我们要签署上面提过的对我们自己和后代拥有50年约束力的合同时，代办人布罗克登先生对我们说：“你们虽是年轻人，但你们不太可能会有人活到协议期满的那一天。”但是，我们中间很多人至今仍然在世，而那份协议却在几年以后失效了，将图书馆改组成了一家永久性公司。

The objections and reluctances I met with in soliciting the subscriptions, made me soon feel the impropriety of presenting one's self as the proposer of any useful project, that might be suppos'd to raise one's reputation in the smallest degree above that of one's neighbors, when one has need of their assistance to accomplish that project. I therefore put myself as much as I could out of sight, and stated it as a scheme of a number of friends, who had requested me to go about and propose it to such as they thought lovers of reading. In this way my affair went on more smoothly, and I ever after practis'd it on such occasions; and, from my frequent successes, can heartily recommend it. The present little sacrifice of your vanity will afterwards be amply repaid. If it remains a while uncertain to whom the merit belongs, some one more vain than yourself will be encouraged to claim it, and then even envy will be disposed to do you justice by plucking those assumed feathers, and restoring them to their right owner.

This library afforded me the means of improvement by constant study, for which I set apart an hour or two each day, and thus repair'd in some degree the loss of the learned education my father once intended for me. Reading was the only amusement I allow'd myself. I spent no time in taverns, games, or frolicks of any kind; and my industry in my business continu'd as indefatigable as it was necessary. I was indebted for my printing-house; I had a young family coming on to be educated, and I had to contend with for business two printers, who were established in the place before me. My circumstances, however, grew daily easier. My original habits of frugality continuing, and my father having, among his instructions to me when a boy, frequently repeated a proverb of Solomon[3], "Seest thou a man diligent in his calling, he shall stand before kings, he shall not stand before mean men," I from thence considered industry as a means of obtaining wealth and distinction, which encourag'd me, tho' I did not think that I should ever literally stand before kings, which, however, has since happened; for I have stood before five, and even had the honor of sitting down with one, the King of Denmark, to dinner.

我在征集会员时遭遇的种种回绝和不情愿使我很快意识到，以个人名义提出任何有用的公共计划并不妥当，当你需要邻居们的帮助来完成这项计划时，人们可能认为你是借机为自己扬名，以超过他们。因此我尽量避免以个人身份出现，而把建立图书馆说成是许多朋友的共同计划，他们委托我来办理，并请他们心目中热爱读书的人来参加。这样事情就办得顺利些了，后来在类似情况下我还是这么办，屡获成功，因此，我诚心向大家推荐这个方法。这样，尽管你的虚荣心一时得不到满足，但你以后将得到巨大回报。如果一时不能确定功劳该归谁，有些比你更爱虚荣的人会宣称应归功于他们，但不用担心失了公道，这时定有别人对他们心生嫉妒，揭穿他们，把这称誉还给那应得之人。

图书馆使我通过持之以恒地学习取得进步，我每天都花一两个小时学习，这在一定程度上弥补了我未接受过高等教育的遗憾，那是我父亲曾经希望我能获得的。阅读是我允许自己拥有的唯一乐趣，我从不流连于酒馆，从不醉心于赌博或是其他娱乐，我依然勤恳地工作着，不知疲倦，这在当时也是必要的。印刷所的债没有还清，我的孩子们即将上学了，我还得与当地另两家先于我成立的印刷所竞争。但是，境况却在日益好转。我还是保留着原先节俭的习惯，父亲在我儿时对我的诸多教诲中，常常引用所罗门的一句谚语：“凡勤奋工作的人，他将立于君王面前，而非与下等人为伍。”从那时起，我便认为勤奋是获得财富和名望之道，尽管我并没想过自己当真要立于君王面前，但这激励了我。不过，这事倒真的发生了，因为我曾立于五位君王面前，甚至还荣幸地与丹麦国王同席共进晚餐。

We have an English proverb that says, "He that would thrive, must ask his wife." It was lucky for me that I had one as much dispos'd to industry and frugality as myself. She assisted me cheerfully in my business, folding and stitching pamphlets, tending shop, purchasing old linen rags for the papermakers, etc., etc. We kept no idle servants, our table was plain and simple, our furniture of the cheapest. For instance, my breakfast was a long time bread and milk (no tea), and I ate it out of a twopenny earthen porringer, with a pewter spoon. But mark how luxury will enter families, and make a progress, in spite of principle: being call'd one morning to breakfast, I found it in a China bowl, with a spoon of silver! They had been bought for me without my knowledge by my wife, and had cost her the enormous sum of three-and-twenty shillings, for which she had no other excuse or apology to make, but that she thought her husband deserv'd a silver spoon and China bowl as well as any of his neighbors. This was the first appearance of plate and China in our house, which afterward, in a course of years, as our wealth increas'd, augmented gradually to several hundred pounds in value.

I had been religiously educated as a Presbyterian; and tho' some of the dogmas of that persuasion, such as the eternal decrees of God, election, reprobation, etc., appeared to me unintelligible, others doubtful, and I early absented myself from the public assemblies of the sect, Sunday being my studying day, I never was without some religious principles. I never doubted, for instance, the existence of the Deity; that he made the world, and govern'd it by his Providence; that the most acceptable service of God was the doing good to man; that our souls are immortal; and that all crime will be punished, and virtue rewarded, either here or hereafter. These I esteem'd the essentials of every religion; and, being to be found in all the religions we had in our country, I respected them all, tho' with different degrees of respect, as I found them more or less mix'd with other articles, which, without any tendency to inspire, promote, or confirm morality, serv'd principally to divide us, and make us unfriendly to one another. This respect to all, with an opinion that the worst had some good effects, induc'd me to avoid all discourse that might tend to lessen the good opinion another might have of his own religion; and as our province increas'd in people, and new places of worship were continually wanted, and generally erected by voluntary contributions, my mite for such purpose, whatever might be the sect, was never refused.

有句英国谚语这样说：“要想取得成功，必要请教妻子。”我很幸运，因为我有一位和我一样克勤克俭的妻子。她愉快地在事业上帮助我，帮我折叠和装订那些小册子，照管店铺，为造纸商收购破布等等。我们不雇无事可做的仆人，所吃的饭菜简单朴素，家具总是最便宜的。比如，很长一段时间，我的早餐只是面包和牛奶而已（没有茶），餐具是一个只值两便士的陶制小碗和一只锡制汤匙。但请注意，奢侈的习惯是怎样进入家庭，且不管原则如何还是日渐得势的：一天早上我吃早饭时，竟发现餐具换成了瓷碗和银匙！它们是我妻子在我不知情的情况下买来的，花了高达23先令的巨款！她对此没找托词，也没有道歉，只说她认为她的丈夫应当拥有一把银匙和一个瓷碗，如同任何一位邻居一样。这是金属器皿和瓷器第一次在我们家出现，在后来许多年里，随着我们财富的增加，金属器皿和瓷器也逐渐增加到价值几百镑了。

我以前受过长老会的熏陶，尽管它们有些教条在我看来有些难以理解，比如上帝的永恒谕令、上帝的选拔和摈弃等等，还有一些值得怀疑，我也早已不参加他们的公众集会，因为星期天我都用来学习，但我绝不是毫无宗教原则的。比如，我从不怀疑上帝的存在，是上帝创造了世界并按他的意旨管理世界，我不怀疑上帝最广为接受的作用是为人类造福，不怀疑我们的灵魂不灭，不怀疑所有罪恶都将受到惩处，美德都将得到回报，只是时间早晚不同。我认为这是每一宗教的要旨，因为它们在我国现存的所有宗教里都能找到，所以我对所有宗教都非常尊敬，只不过程度有所差别，因为我发现它们之中或多或少都混杂有别的东西，这些杂质不能鼓舞、促进或是巩固道德观念，而主要使我们分裂，让我们对他人不友好。我对所有宗教都心存敬意，认为即使最坏的教派也有积极作用，这一态度使我避免了一切可能损害他人对其所信宗教的良好印象的言论。随着本州人口增多，不断需要建造新的礼拜场所，其资金一般来自民众自愿捐款，所以不管哪个教派，只要需要，我从来不会拒绝献出我的一份力量。

Tho' I seldom attended any public worship, I had still an opinion of its propriety, and of its utility when rightly conducted, and I regularly paid my annual subscription for the support of the only Presbyterian minister or meeting we had in Philadelphia. He us'd to visit me sometimes as a friend, and admonish me to attend his administrations, and I was now and then prevail'd on to do so, once for five Sundays successively. Had he been in my opinion a good preacher, perhaps I might have continued, notwithstanding the occasion I had for the Sunday's leisure in my course of study; but his discourses were chiefly either polemic arguments, or explications of the peculiar doctrines of our sect, and were all to me very dry, uninteresting, and unedifying, since not a single moral principle was inculcated or enforc'd, their aim seeming to be rather to make us Presbyterians than good citizens.

At length he took for his text that verse of the fourth chapter of Philippians, "Finally, brethren, whatsoever things are true, honest, just, pure, lovely, or of good report, if there be any virtue, or any praise, think on these things." And I imagin'd, in a sermon on such a text, we could not miss of having some morality. But he confin'd himself to five points only, as meant by the apostle, viz.: 1. Keeping holy the Sabbath day. 2. Being diligent in reading the holy Scriptures. 3. Attending duly the publick worship. 4. Partaking of the Sacrament. 5. Paying a due respect to God's ministers. These might be all good things; but, as they were not the kind of good things that I expected from that text, I despaired of ever meeting with them from any other, was disgusted, and attended his preaching no more. I had some years before compos'd a little Liturgy, or form of prayer, for my own private use (viz., in 1728), entitled, Articles of Belief and Acts of Religion. I return'd to the use of this, and went no more to the public assemblies. My conduct might be blameable, but I leave it, without attempting further to excuse it; my present purpose being to relate facts, and not to make apologies for them.

尽管我很少参加公共礼拜，我仍然认为，如果能恰当地举行，宗教礼拜是适宜且有用的，而且我还定期缴纳年费，供养费城唯一的长老会牧师，维持长老会教堂的开支。以前牧师有时会以朋友的身份拜访我，劝我参加他主持的礼拜，我有时也会依从他的建议，有一次还连续五个星期日都参加了。如果在我看来他是位好牧师，也许我会继续参加下去，尽管星期天的空闲时间我原本是要用于学习的。但他的布道要么是谈各派的神学争论，要么是就长老会的特定教义作出解释，在我看来都枯燥无味，毫无启发，他从未宣扬或强调过哪怕是一条道德准则，与其说其目的是希望我们成为好公民，不如说是希望我们成为长老会教徒。

后来，牧师以《腓立比书》第四章中的一节作为讲道的内容：“弟兄们，我还有未尽的话：凡是真实的、可敬的、正义的、纯洁的、可爱的、有美名的，若有什么德行，若有什么称赞，这些事你们都要思念。”我想，就这样的内容布道，一定是会谈到道德的。但他却把使徒的意图仅局限于五点：1.虔诚地遵守安息日；2.勤读《圣经》；3.按时参加公共礼拜；4.参加圣礼；5.尊敬牧师。这些道理都是好的，但并不是我期望从这段经文中得出的好道理，于是我知道要从其他经文中得出什么好的道理也是不可能的，对此心生厌烦，就再也不去听他布道了。几年以前（1728年）我曾编过一本小小的祈祷书，或是祈祷文，供自己使用，名叫《信仰和宗教行为条例》。我又重新使用此书，再也不去教堂集会了。我的行为也许有些不当，但我不去理会，也不想寻找借口为自己开脱，我现在的目的只是叙述事实，而非为过去的事情进行辩解。

It was about this time I conceiv'd the bold and arduous project of arriving at moral perfection. I wish'd to live without committing any fault at any time; I would conquer all that either natural inclination, custom, or company might lead me into. As I knew, or thought I knew, what was right and wrong, I did not see why I might not always do the one and avoid the other. But I soon found I had undertaken a task of more difficulty than I had imagined. While my care was employ'd in guarding against one fault, I was often surprised by another; habit took the advantage of inattention; inclination was sometimes too strong for reason. I concluded, at length, that the mere speculative conviction that it was our interest to be completely virtuous, was not sufficient to prevent our slipping; and that the contrary habits must be broken, and good ones acquired and established, before we can have any dependence on a steady, uniform rectitude of conduct. For this purpose I therefore contrived the following method.

In the various enumerations of the moral virtues I had met with in my reading, I found the catalogue more or less numerous, as different writers included more or fewer ideas under the same name. Temperance, for example, was by some confined to eating and drinking, while by others it was extended to mean the moderating every other pleasure, appetite, inclination, or passion, bodily or mental, even to our avarice and ambition. I propos'd to myself, for the sake of clearness, to use rather more names, with fewer ideas annex'd to each, than a few names with more ideas; and I included under thirteen names of virtues all that at that time occurr'd to me as necessary or desirable, and annexed to each a short precept, which fully express'd the extent I gave to its meaning.

These names of virtues, with their precepts, were:

1. TEMPERANCE. Eat not to dullness; drink not to elevation.

2. SILENCE. Speak not but what may benefit others or yourself; avoid trifling conversation.

3. ORDER. Let all your things have their places; let each part of your business have its time.

4. RESOLUTION. Resolve to perform what you ought; perform without fail what you resolve.

5. FRUGALITY. Make no expense but to do good to others or yourself; i.e., waste nothing.

6. INDUSTRY. Lose no time; be always employ'd in something useful; cut off all unnecessary actions.

7. SINCERITY. Use no hurtful deceit; think innocently and justly, and, if you speak, speak accordingly.

8. JUSTICE. Wrong none by doing injuries, or omitting the benefits that are your duty.

9. MODERATION. Avoid extreams; forbear resenting injuries so much as you think they deserve.

10. CLEANLINESS. Tolerate no uncleanliness in body, cloaths, or habitation.

11. TRANQUILLITY. Be not disturbed at trifles, or at accidents common or unavoidable.

12. CHASTITY. Rarely use venery but for health or offspring, never to dulness, weakness, or the injury of your own or another's peace or reputation.

13. HUMILITY. Imitate Jesus and Socrates.

大约这个时期，我构想出一个大胆而艰巨的道德完善计划。我希望永远不犯任何错误，要克服一切可能使我失足的因素，不管这是天生的喜好也好，习惯也好，抑或是交友不慎。既然我能明辨是非，或自以为拥有这种能力，那我为什么不选择是而规避非呢？但过了不久，我就发现，这个任务比想象的要更艰难。当我小心翼翼地防范某个错误时，经常一不留神就犯了另一个错误。习惯总趁人一时疏忽时得逞，而面对个人爱好，理智有时又不够强大。后来我得出了结论，仅仅凭空相信拥有所有美德对我们很有好处，还不足以避免自己失足犯错；我们首先应改掉错误的习惯，养成正确的习惯，然后才能相信自己会始终如一地保持正确的言行。为实现这一目的，我设计了如下方法。

我曾读过关于道德品质的种种列举，发现其分类名目多种多样，不同的作者会对同一名词作或广义或狭义的诠释。例如节制，有人仅仅将其限于饮食，而有人却将它推而广之，涵盖对其他各种娱乐、欲望、爱好、肉体或精神冲动的节制，甚至将对贪欲和野心的控制也包含在内。为了清晰起见，我宁可使用更多的名词，各词只涵盖较少的义项，这比用较少的名词来指代很多意思要好。我将当时所有自认为必要或合意的品质归于13项美德名下，并对每一项都附上简短的解释，以充分说明我认为该项美德应包含哪些内容。

这些美德和它们的具体解释分别是：

1. 节制。食不过饱，饮不过量。

2. 沉默。不说对人对己毫无益处的话，不参与闲谈。

3. 有序。一切物品都应规整有序，每件事情都应安排时间完成。

4. 意志坚定。下决心去完成该做的事，下决心之后就定要完成。

5. 节俭。所费钱财必须于人或于己有利，不浪费一分一厘。

6. 勤奋。不浪费时间，每一分钟都做有用的事，摒弃一切不必要的行为。

7. 真诚。不欺骗伤害他人，思想要纯洁公正，说话要实事求是。

8. 正直。不冤枉伤害他人，不忽略自己能造福他人的责任。

9. 中庸。避免趋于极端。如果受到应得伤害，不要恼怒。

10. 清洁。保持身体、衣服和住所始终干净整洁。

11. 平静。不受琐事及普通或难以避免的事故纷扰。

12. 贞洁。少行房事，除非为了健康或生养后代起见，以免使大脑迟钝，使身体虚弱，或是破坏自己或他人的安宁和名声。

13. 谦逊。效仿基督和苏格拉底。

My intention being to acquire the habitude of all these virtues, I judg'd it would be well not to distract my attention by attempting the whole at once, but to fix it on one of them at a time; and, when I should be master of that, then to proceed to another, and so on, till I should have gone thro' the thirteen; and, as the previous acquisition of some might facilitate the acquisition of certain others, I arrang'd them with that view, as they stand above. Temperance first, as it tends to procure that coolness and clearness of head, which is so necessary where constant vigilance was to be kept up, and guard maintained against the unremitting attraction of ancient habits, and the force of perpetual temptations. This being acquir'd and establish'd, Silence would be more easy; and my desire being to gain knowledge at the same time that I improv'd in virtue, and considering that in conversation it was obtain'd rather by the use of the ears than of the tongue, and therefore wishing to break a habit I was getting into of prattling, punning, and joking, which only made me acceptable to trifling company, I gave Silence the second place. This and the next, Order, I expected would allow me more time for attending to my project and my studies. Resolution, once become habitual, would keep me firm in my endeavors to obtain all the subsequent virtues; Frugality and Industry freeing me from my remaining debt, and producing affluence and independence, would make more easy the practice of Sincerity and Justice, etc., etc. Conceiving then, that, agreeably to the advice of Pythagoras[4] in his Golden Verses, daily examination would be necessary, I contrived the following method for conducting that examination.

我希望拥有上述所有美德并能养成相应习惯，但我认为最好不要试图毕其功于一役，以免分散注意力，而应循序渐进，每次以培养一种美德为目标，待完成之后再继续前进，直到拥有所有这13项美德。考虑到先拥有某些美德将使后来者的培养更容易，我将它们的顺序作了适当安排，如上面排序所示。节制是首当其冲的，因为它能使头脑冷静清晰，这对于时刻保持警醒来说十分必要，以防止旧习惯的不断引诱，抵御那些无穷无尽的诱惑。在养成“节制”这一美德后，“沉默”就要容易些了。因为我在培养品德的同时也希望获得知识，而谈话时，知识的获得需要侧耳倾听，而非不停地动嘴皮子，于是我希望自己改掉喜欢闲聊、说话爱玩文字游戏、爱开玩笑的习惯，这些习惯只让我结交些浅薄之人，所以我把“沉默”列在第二位。养成“沉默”和下一位“有序”的美德后，我希望我能花更多时间用于自己的计划和学习。等坚定的意志成为习惯后，能让我在培养随后美德的努力中坚定不动摇。“节俭”和“勤奋”能使我尽快还清剩下的债务，为我创造财富，真正独立，并使“真诚”和“正直”更易践行，如此等等。然后我又想到，根据毕达哥拉斯在《金色诗篇》里提出的建议，每日自省是必要的，于是我又设计了以下方法用于自省。

I made a little book, in which I allotted a page for each of the virtues. I rul'd each page with red ink, so as to have seven columns, one for each day of the week, marking each column with a letter for the day. I cross'd these columns with thirteen red lines, marking the beginning of each line with the first letter of one of the virtues, on which line, and in its proper column, I might mark, by a little black spot, every fault I found upon examination to have been committed respecting that virtue upon that day.

Form of the pages.

TEMPERANCE

EAT NOT TO DULLNESS; DRINK NOT TO ELEVATION.

S.

M.

T.

W.

T.

F.

S.

T.

S.

*

*

*

*

O.

**

*

*

*

*

*

R.

*

*

F.

*

*

I.

*

S.

J.

M.

C.

T.

C.

H.

我制作了一个小册子，册子上每种德行各占一页。我用红色墨水在每页纸上画上直线，形成7列，用于记录一周7天，并在列头标上一个字母代表那一天。在这7列上我再画上13条红线，在每一行的开头标上13项美德的首字母，如果通过自省发现那天犯了违反该项美德的错误，便在竖线和横线形成的小方格中标记一个小黑点。

表格如下：

节制

食不过饱 饮不过量

日

一

二

三

四

五

六

节制

沉默

*

*

*

*

有序

**

*

*

*

*

*

意志坚定

*

*

节俭

*

*

勤奋

*

真诚

正直

中庸

清洁

平静

贞洁

谦逊

I determined to give a week's strict attention to each of the virtues successively. Thus, in the first week, my great guard was to avoid every the least offence against Temperance, leaving the other virtues to their ordinary chance, only marking every evening the faults of the day. Thus, if in the first week I could keep my first line, marked T, clear of spots, I suppos'd the habit of that virtue so much strengthen'd and its opposite weaken'd, that I might venture extending my attention to include the next, and for the following week keep both lines clear of spots. Proceeding thus to the last, I could go thro' a course compleat in thirteen weeks, and four courses in a year. And like him who, having a garden to weed, does not attempt to eradicate all the bad herbs at once, which would exceed his reach and his strength, but works on one of the beds at a time, and, having accomplish'd the first, proceeds to a second, so I should have, I hoped, the encouraging pleasure of seeing on my pages the progress I made in virtue, by clearing successively my lines of their spots, till in the end, by a number of courses, I should be happy in viewing a clean book, after a thirteen weeks' daily examination.

This my little book had for its motto these lines from Addison's[5] Cato:

"Here will I hold. If there's a power above us

(And that there is all nature cries aloud Thro' all her works), He must delight in virtue;

And that which he delights in must be happy."

Another from Cicero[6],

"O vitae Philosophia dux! O virtutum indagatrix
expultrixque vitiorum! Unus dies, bene et ex praeceptis
tuis actus, peccanti immortalitati est anteponendus."

我决定每周严格遵守一种美德。因此，第一周内，我要全力避免违反“节制”原则的任何小失误，而对其他美德暂时不管，只在每晚标记当天做了哪些违反这些美德的事情。这样，如果第一周内我能保持注明为“节制”的第一行没有小黑点，我想这种良好习惯将大为巩固，而与此相反的不良习惯则大为削弱，这样我就可以大胆地将注意力扩展到包括下一美德的培养上。第二周，我要保持第二页的头两行没有小黑点。这样依次进行，直至最后一项，从而在13周之内完成全部过程，每年循环四次。这就像一个人为花坛除草，他不会企图一次除尽所有杂草，这将超出他的能力与体力；他应一次只为一个花床除草，除完第一个之后再开始第二个。因此我希望，我能依次消除每一行的小黑点，从这本小册子上看到自己在德行方面的进步，从中获得鼓舞，获得快乐，直到最后，通过多个循环周期，在13周的日检之后，我能高兴地看到一本干净没有黑点的小册子。

我从艾迪生的《卡托》中摘录了下面几句话作为这本小册子的题词：

“我坚信如果有种力量在我们之上

（自然万物大声宣告，

此种力量确实存在），

他必定因美德而愉快；

而让他愉快的人必定幸福。”

还有西塞罗的格言：

“啊，哲学，生命的导师！啊，美德的探寻者，

罪恶的清除者！按您的敕令认真活一天，

也好过带着满身罪恶长生不死。”

Another from the Proverbs of Solomon, speaking of wisdom or virtue:

"Length of days is in her right hand, and in her left hand riches and honour. Her ways are ways of pleasantness, and all her paths are peace." iii. 16, 17.

And conceiving God to be the fountain of wisdom, I thought it right and necessary to solicit his assistance for obtaining it; to this end I formed the following little prayer, which was prefix'd to my tables of examination, for daily use.

"O powerful Goodness! Bountiful Father! Merciful Guide! Increase in me that wisdom which discovers my truest interest. Strengthen my resolutions to perform what that wisdom dictates. Accept my kind offices to thy other children as the only return in my power for thy continual favors to me."

I used also sometimes a little prayer which I took from Thomson's Poems, viz.:

"Father of light and life, thou Good Supreme!

O teach me what is good; teach me Thyself!

Save me from folly, vanity, and vice,

From every low pursuit; and fill my soul

With knowledge, conscious peace, and virtue pure;

Sacred, substantial, never-fading bliss!"

The precept of Order requiring that every part of my business should have its allotted time, one page in my little book contain'd the following scheme of employment for the twenty-four hours of a natural day:

The Morning

Question. What good shall I do this day?

5

6

7

Rise, wash, and address Powerful Goodness! Contrive day's business and take the resolution of the day; prosecute the present study, and breakfast

8

9

10

11

Work

Noon.

12

1

Read, or overlook my accounts, and dine.

2

3

4

5

Work.

Evening.

Question. What good have I done today?

6

7

8

9

Put things in their places. Supper. Music or diversion, or conversation. Examination of the day

Night

10

11

12

1

2

3

4

Sleep

另外还有所罗门的格言，是谈智慧和道德的：

“她右手有长寿，左手有富贵，她的道是安乐，她的路全是平安。” （《箴言》第三章第16、17节）

我认为上帝是智慧的源泉，因此我觉得恳求他助我得到智慧是既正确又必要的。为了实现这一目标，我写了下面这篇短小的祈祷文，并把它放在自省表格之前，每日诵读：

“噢，全能的上帝！慷慨的天父！仁慈的向导！增加我的智慧，让我发现自己真正的兴趣吧；坚定我的决心，让我完成智慧赋予的任务吧。接受我为您其他子民的诚心服务吧，以此作为我对您不断给我恩惠的唯一报答。”

我有时也引用汤姆逊的诗歌作为简短的祈祷文：

“光明与生命的父亲，您至高无上的主啊！

啊，教导我什么是善吧，您亲自教导我吧！

挽救我，使我脱离愚昧、虚荣和罪恶吧！

让我摒弃低劣的追求，让我的灵魂

拥有知识、内心的宁静和纯洁的品德吧；

请给我神圣、充足和永无止境的福佑！”

“有序”的准则要求我分配固定的时间完成每件事情，在我那本小册子中，有一页将一天24小时的时间分配作了如下安排：

早晨

问题：我今天要做什么好事？

5点

6点

7点

起床，洗漱，向全能的上帝祷告；安排一天的工作，决定当天该注意什么；进行当前的学习，吃早餐

8点

9点

10点

11点

工作

中午

12点

1点

阅读，或翻看我的账目，吃午饭

2点

3点

4点

5点

工作

晚上

问题：今天我做了什么好事？

6点

7点

8点

9点

把东西放归原处；吃晚餐；音乐或其他消遣或谈话；反省这一天的活动

夜间

10点

11点

12点

1点

2点

3点

4点

睡觉

I enter'd upon the execution of this plan for self-examination, and continu'd it with occasional intermissions for some time. I was surpris'd to find myself so much fuller of faults than I had imagined; but I had the satisfaction of seeing them diminish. To avoid the trouble of renewing now and then my little book, which, by scraping out the marks on the paper of old faults to make room for new ones in a new course, became full of holes, I transferr'd my tables and precepts to the ivory leaves of a memorandum book, on which the lines were drawn with red ink, that made a durable stain, and on those lines I mark'd my faults with a black-lead pencil, which marks I could easily wipe out with a wet sponge. After a while I went thro' one course only in a year, and afterward only one in several years, till at length I omitted them entirely, being employ'd in voyages and business abroad[7], with a multiplicity of affairs that interfered; but I always carried my little book with me.

My scheme of ORDER gave me the most trouble; and I found that, tho' it might be practicable where a man's business was such as to leave him the disposition of his time, that of a journeyman printer, for instance, it was not possible to be exactly observed by a master, who must mix with the world, and often receive people of business at their own hours. Order, too, with regard to places for things, papers, etc., I found extreamly difficult to acquire. I had not been early accustomed to it, and, having an exceeding good memory, I was not so sensible of the inconvenience attending want of method. This article, therefore, cost me so much painful attention, and my faults in it vexed me so much, and I made so little progress in amendment, and had such frequent relapses, that I was almost ready to give up the attempt, and content myself with a faulty character in that respect, like the man who, in buying an ax of a smith, my neighbor, desired to have the whole of its surface as bright as the edge. The smith consented to grind it bright for him if he would turn the wheel; he turn'd, while the smith press'd the broad face of the ax hard and heavily on the stone, which made the turning of it very fatiguing. The man came every now and then from the wheel to see how the work went on, and at length would take his ax as it was, without farther grinding. "No," said the smith, "turn on, turn on; we shall have it bright by-and-by; as yet, it is only speckled." "Yes," said the man, "but I think I like a speckled ax best." And I believe this may have been the case with many, who, having, for want of some such means as I employ'd, found the difficulty of obtaining good and breaking bad habits in other points of vice and virtue, have given up the struggle, and concluded that "a speckled ax was best" ; for something, that pretended to be reason, was every now and then suggesting to me that such extream nicety as I exacted of myself might be a kind of foppery in morals, which, if it were known, would make me ridiculous; that a perfect character might be attended with the inconvenience of being envied and hated; and that a benevolent man should allow a few faults in himself, to keep his friends in countenance.

我开始执行这个每日自省的计划，除了偶尔间断之外，一直坚持进行了一段时间。我很惊讶地发现，自己的过失比想象的要多得多，但后来又看到它们日渐减少，我很满足。为了避免不时需要使用新的小册子带来麻烦，我把纸上代表以前过失的小黑点擦掉，为新一轮循环的记载腾出地方，可这样小册子的很多地方都被擦破了，于是我把表格和准则移至一本备忘录的象牙书页上，在上面用红色墨水画上直线，这就能经久耐用，在格子里我用黑色铅笔标记自己的过失，这些标记可以用湿海绵轻易擦去。过了一段时间，我一年只完成一个循环，后来几年才完成一个，直到最后，我常常因旅行或公事在外，被各类事务缠身，只好完全停止了这个计划，但我一直随身携带着这本小册子。

“有序”原则的践行给我带来的麻烦是最大的，我发现，如果一个人的工作可以让他自己支配时间，比如像印刷工人，这条原则是可行的，但对于店老板来说，他得同别人打交道，得随时接待自由来访的客户，所以他没法严格遵守这条原则。还有，我发现使物品、纸张等摆放有序也极其困难。我一开始对此不太习惯，因为我记忆力极佳，并未觉得物品摆放缺乏方法会带来什么不便。因此，这条原则让我花了许多心血，这方面的过失让我倍感烦恼，而我对此取得的进步微乎其微，常常故态复萌，几乎要使我放弃努力，接受自己的性格在这方面有所缺陷了。这就像有人从我的铁匠邻居那儿买斧头，希望整把斧头都磨得像斧刃一样锋利。铁匠说，如果他能帮忙转动砂轮的话，可以帮他把斧头磨利，于是此人就去转轮子了，而铁匠就把斧头的阔刃面使劲儿压在磨石上，使得转动砂轮变得非常吃力。于是这个买斧头的人不时过来瞧斧子磨得怎样了，后来，他终于让铁匠停止磨斧，决定就这样了。“不，”铁匠说，“继续转吧，继续转吧，慢慢地斧头就会磨光了，但现在它还有些斑点。”这人说：“是啊，但我想我还是更喜欢带斑点的斧头。”我相信许多人可能都有这样的情况，他们缺乏我所使用的这些方法，在其他方面发现要改掉坏习惯，养成好习惯非常困难，于是放弃了挣扎，还得出结论说“带斑点的斧头就是最好的斧头”，因为有些自以为理性之物会不时暗示我，对自己如此这般要求严格也许是种道德上的愚蠢行为，如果为人所知，我会被人取笑的；且完美无缺的人格也许反遭人嫉恨，而善良的人应允许自己有些不足，这样他的朋友才会自在。

In truth, I found myself incorrigible with respect to Order; and now I am grown old, and my memory bad, I feel very sensibly the want of it. But, on the whole, tho' I never arrived at the perfection I had been so ambitious of obtaining, but fell far short of it, yet I was, by the endeavor, a better and a happier man than I otherwise should have been if I had not attempted it; as those who aim at perfect writing by imitating the engraved copies, tho' they never reach the wish'd-for excellence of those copies, their hand is mended by the endeavor, and is tolerable while it continues fair and legible.

It may be well my posterity should be informed that to this little artifice, with the blessing of God, their ancestor ow'd the constant felicity of his life, down to his 79th year, in which this is written. What reverses may attend the remainder is in the hand of Providence; but, if they arrive, the reflection on past happiness enjoy'd ought to help his bearing them with more resignation. To Temperance he ascribes his long-continued health, and what is still left to him of a good constitution; to Industry and Frugality, the early easiness of his circumstances and acquisition of his fortune, with all that knowledge that enabled him to be a useful citizen, and obtained for him some degree of reputation among the learned; to Sincerity and Justice, the confidence of his country, and the honorable employs it conferred upon him; and to the joint influence of the whole mass of the virtues, even in the imperfect state he was able to acquire them, all that evenness of temper, and that cheerfulness in conversation, which makes his company still sought for, and agreeable even to his younger acquaintance. I hope, therefore, that some of my descendants may follow the example and reap the benefit.

It will be remark'd that, tho' my scheme was not wholly without religion, there was in it no mark of any of the distinguishing tenets of any particular sect. I had purposely avoided them; for, being fully persuaded of the utility and excellency of my method, and that it might be serviceable to people in all religions, and intending some time or other to publish it, I would not have any thing in it that should prejudice any one, of any sect, against it. I purposed writing a little comment on each virtue, in which I would have shown the advantages of possessing it, and the mischiefs attending its opposite vice; and I should have called my book THE ART OF VIRTUE (Nothing so likely to make a man's fortune as virtue.), because it would have shown the means and manner of obtaining virtue, which would have distinguished it from the mere exhortation to be good, that does not instruct and indicate the means, but is like the apostle's man of verbal charity, who only without showing to the naked and hungry how or where they might get clothes or victuals, exhorted them to be fed and clothed.—James ii. 15, 16.

事实上，我发现自己在“有序”方面的毛病难以改正，现在我年纪大了，记忆力也衰退了，真切地感受到这种好习惯的缺失。但总体来说，尽管我从未如自己所期能做到尽善尽美，且我距目标还十分遥远，但通过努力，我成为了一个比原来更优秀、更快乐的人；如果我不曾尝试这个计划，我是无法达到这一点的。这就像通过临摹字帖来练习书法一样，尽管练习的人没能像字帖写得那么好，但通过练习他们的字体也有所改进，如果能继续练习下去，也能变得美观清晰。

后人们应当清楚地知道他们的祖先之所以能一生幸福，直至79岁撰写自传，除了拥有上帝的祝福外，还应归功于这个小小的计划。余生会遭遇什么不幸，全由上帝决定；但如果真遭遇不幸，想到过去经历的种种幸福，对于厄运他也将更加坦然地接受。因为“节制”，他身体一直很好，直到现在还很硬朗；因为“勤奋”、“节俭”，他得以早年境遇平顺，积累了财富，获得了知识，使自己成为有用之才，也在有识之士中赢得了一些名声；因为“真诚”和“正直”，他的祖国赋予了他信任和光荣的使命；而尽管他还未在培养这些美德方面臻于至善，但因为它们的综合影响，加上他脾气平和，言语风趣，使得他人愿意与他为伴，即使比他年轻的朋友也乐于与他交往。因此我希望，我的子孙后代中能有人效仿我，从中受益。

这里要说明一下，尽管我的计划并非完全没有涉及宗教，但它却没提到任何教派的主要教条。我有意避免提及它们，因为我充分相信自己的方法实用而卓越，它对信仰所有宗教的人们来说都是有用的，我还打算找个时间将它出版，所以不希望其中有什么内容会使任何教派的任何人产生偏见。我打算就每项美德写些评论，指出拥有此项美德的好处，以及与其背道而驰的坏处，我把这本书起名为《道德的艺术》（没有什么能像道德一样使人获得财富），因为我会在这本书里说明养成美德的方法和方式，这与单纯地劝人从善大为不同，后者没有指出具体方法，就像使徒口头行善一般，他们劝告那些衣不蔽体、饥肠辘辘的人们要穿衣吃饭，却不告诉他们能在何处通过怎样的方法获得衣食。——《雅各书》第2章第15、16节。

But it so happened that my intention of writing and publishing this comment was never fulfilled. I did, indeed, from time to time, put down short hints of the sentiments, reasonings, etc., to be made use of in it, some of which I have still by me; but the necessary close attention to private business in the earlier part of thy life, and public business since, have occasioned my postponing it; for, it being connected in my mind with a great and extensive project, that required the whole man to execute, and which an unforeseen succession of employs prevented my attending to, it has hitherto remain'd unfinish'd.

In this piece it was my design to explain and enforce this doctrine, that vicious actions are not hurtful because they are forbidden, but forbidden because they are hurtful, the nature of man alone considered; that it was, therefore, every one's interest to be virtuous who wish'd to be happy even in this world; and I should, from this circumstance (there being always in the world a number of rich merchants, nobility, states, and princes, who have need of honest instruments for the management of their affairs, and such being so rare), have endeavored to convince young persons that no qualities were so likely to make a poor man's fortune as those of probity and integrity.

My list of virtues contain'd at first but twelve; but a Quaker friend having kindly informed me that I was generally thought proud; that my pride show'd itself frequently in conversation; that I was not content with being in the right when discussing any point, but was overbearing, and rather insolent, of which he convinc'd me by mentioning several instances; I determined endeavoring to cure myself, if I could, of this vice or folly among the rest, and I added Humility to my list, giving an extensive meaning to the word.

但是，我写作并发表这些评论的愿望未能实现。我的确会不时写些感想、推论之类的短小文章，以便日后在书中使用，有些文章我至今仍然保存着，但我早年需要认真打理私人事务，后来又有公共事务需要操心，于是只得把写作计划推迟，因为在我看来，这是个宏大的工程，需要投入全部精力来进行，而后来种种未预料到的事务使我无法专注于此，这个计划也就搁置了下来。

在这部作品中，我想解释并强调这样一种说法，即如果仅考虑人的本性，那么恶行不因其遭到禁止所以带来伤害，而是因带来伤害才遭到禁止，因此，只要他希望在此世界获得快乐，那么谨守道德对于每个人都是有利的。由此可见（世界上总有许多富商、贵族和王公需要诚实的人为他们管理自己的事务，而这又并不常见），我本应努力使年轻人相信，没有什么品质能像正直诚实一样使穷人获得财富。

我所列出的美德起初只包含12项，但一位贵格会的朋友好心地告诉我，我平常看来有些自大，我的这种傲气常常在谈话中流露出来；在讨论问题时，我并不满足于自己拥有正确的观点，而是表现出专断、无礼，他还举了些例子为证。于是我决定，如果能够的话，要努力改掉这个毛病或说是愚蠢的习惯，因此我把“谦逊”一项加到我的列表中，并对这个词作了广义的解释。

I cannot boast of much success in acquiring the reality of this virtue, but I had a good deal with regard to the appearance of it. I made it a rule to forbear all direct contradiction to the sentiments of others, and all positive assertion of my own. I even forbid myself, agreeably to the old laws of our Junto, the use of every word or expression in the language that imported a fix'd opinion, such as certainly, undoubtedly, etc., and I adopted, instead of them, I conceive, I apprehend, or I imagine a thing to be so or so; or it so appears to me at present. When another asserted something that I thought an error, I deny'd myself the pleasure of contradicting him abruptly, and of showing immediately some absurdity in his proposition; and in answering I began by observing that in certain cases or circumstances his opinion would be right, but in the present case there appear'd or seem'd to me some difference, etc. I soon found the advantage of this change in my manner; the conversations I engag'd in went on more pleasantly. The modest way in which I propos'd my opinions procur'd them a readier reception and less contradiction; I had less mortification when I was found to be in the wrong, and I more easily prevail'd with others to give up their mistakes and join with me when I happened to be in the right.

And this mode, which I at first put on with some violence to natural inclination, became at length so easy, and so habitual to me, that perhaps for these fifty years past no one has ever heard a dogmatical expression escape me. And to this habit (after my character of integrity) I think it principally owing that I had early so much weight with my fellow-citizens when I proposed new institutions, or alterations in the old, and so much influence in public councils when I became a member; for I was but a bad speaker, never eloquent, subject to much hesitation in my choice of words, hardly correct in language, and yet I generally carried my points.

In reality, there is, perhaps, no one of our natural passions so hard to subdue as pride. Disguise it, struggle with it, beat it down, stifle it, mortify it as much as one pleases, it is still alive, and will every now and then peep out and show itself; you will see it, perhaps, often in this history; for, even if I could conceive that I had compleatly overcome it, I should probably be proud of my humility.

(Thus far written at Passy, 1741.)

我不敢自夸从实质上养成了这种品德，但表面看起来，我确是谦虚了不少。我规定自己不能对他人意见直接反驳，也不发表任何独断的观点。我甚至按照我们互助学习社以前的规定，不允许自己在言辞中使用表达武断意见的词或说法，比如“当然”、“无疑”等等，转而使用“我猜想”、“我认为”、“我想这件事是如此”、“现在在我看来”等语句。如果别人作出某个肯定判断，而我认为他犯了错误时，我也不再沾沾自喜地直接反驳他，立即指出其论断中的荒谬之处，而是回答说在某些例子中或某些情况下他的意见是正确的，但在当前情形下，在我看来或者我以为好像有些不同等等。我很快发现这一态度的改变是有好处的，这使我参与的谈话进行得更愉快了。这种谦虚的态度还使我的见解更易于被人接受，持反对意见的人少了，我要是犯了什么谬误，也不再觉得那么羞耻，要是恰好讲对了，别人也更容易听我劝告抛弃他们的错误观点，采纳我的意见。

我起初认为这种方法违背自己的自然习惯，有些难以执行，后来就觉得非常容易、非常习惯了，可能过去50年里没有人再听我说过什么武断的话。我想也是因为这种习惯（还有我正直的品格），早年在我提出建立新制度或是改革旧制度时，民众总是对我的意见非常重视，后来成为各公共事务委员会的成员后也颇有影响力。尽管我不擅长演讲，也不能言善辩，还措词模糊，语言也不尽准确，但人们一般都会接受我的意见。

事实上，我们各种习性中可能没有什么像傲慢这么难以克服了。尽管我们将它极力掩藏，与之斗争，使劲消灭，它却依然存在，不时还会出来显露一番。也许你在这本自传里还常常见到它，因为尽管我认为自己已完全克服了傲慢的习气，但我很可能又为自己的谦逊而感到骄傲了。

（1741年写于帕西）

[1] 尤里乌斯·恺撒（公元前100 —前44），罗马统帅、政治家，与庞培、克拉苏结成“前三头同盟”，后击败庞培，成为罗马独裁者，被共和派贵族刺杀，订定儒略历，著有《高卢战记》等。

[2] 塔西佗(约56—约120), 古罗马元老院议员、历史学家，曾任行政长官、执政官、亚细亚行省总督，主要著作有《历史》、《编年史》。

[3] 所罗门（约公元前970—约前930），以色列国王，大卫与拔示巴之子，以智慧著称，加强国防，发展贸易，以武力维持统治，使犹太王国达到鼎盛。

[4] 毕达哥拉斯（公元前约580—前500）,古希腊哲学家、数学家、毕达哥拉斯教团创始人，提倡禁欲主义，认为数为万物的本原，促进了数学和西方理性哲学的发展。

[5] 约瑟夫·艾迪生（1672—1719），英国散文家、剧作家、诗人，曾与R·斯梯尔合办 《旁观者》杂志，著有悲剧《卡托》等。

[6] 西塞罗（公元前106—前43），古罗马政治家、演说家和哲学家，著有《论法律》、《论国家》等。

[7] 古用法，在这里abroad表示在户外，而非在国外。

PART THREE

[ "I am now about to write at home, August, 1788, but can not have the help expected from my papers, many of them being lost in the war. I have, however, found the following." ]

HAVING mentioned a great and extensive project which I had conceiv'd, it seems proper that some account should be here given of that project and its object. Its first rise in my mind appears in the following little paper, accidentally preserv'd, viz.:

Observations on my reading history, in Library, May 19th, 1731.

"That the great affairs of the world, the wars, revolutions, etc., are carried on and affected by parties.

"That the view of these parties is their present general interest, or what they take to be such.

"That the different views of these different parties occasion all confusion.

"That while a party is carrying on a general design, each man has his particular private interest in view.

"That as soon as a party has gain'd its general point, each member becomes intent upon his particular interest; which, thwarting others, breaks that party into divisions, and occasions more confusion.

"That few in public affairs act from a meer view of the good of their country, whatever they may pretend; and, tho' their actings bring real good to their country, yet men primarily considered that their own and their country's interest was united, and did not act from a principle of benevolence.

"That fewer still, in public affairs, act with a view to the good of mankind.

"There seems to me at present to be great occasion for raising a United Party for Virtue, by forming the virtuous and good men of all nations into a regular body, to be govern'd by suitable good and wise rules, which good and wise men may probably be more unanimous in their obedience to, than common people are to common laws.

"I at present think that whoever attempts this aright, and is well qualified, can not fail of pleasing God, and of meeting with success. B. F."

Revolving this project in my mind, as to be undertaken hereafter, when my circumstances should afford me the necessary leisure, I put down from time to time, on pieces of paper, such thoughts as occurr'd to me respecting it. Most of these are lost; but I find one purporting to be the substance of an intended creed, containing, as I thought, the essentials of every known religion, and being free of every thing that might shock the professors of any religion. It is express'd in these words, viz.:

"That there is one God, who made all things.

"That he governs the world by his providence.

"That he ought to be worshiped by adoration, prayer, and thanksgiving.

"But that the most acceptable service of God is doing good to man.

"That the soul is immortal.

"And that God will certainly reward virtue and punish vice either here or hereafter."

第三部分

（“现在是1788年8月，我要在家里继续写作了。我的许多文章都已在战争中遗失，因此不能像原来期望的那样从中寻找资料。不过还是找到了以下部分。”）

既然提到我曾制定过一个宏大的计划，我想在这里该谈谈这个计划及其目标。我把最初产生这个想法的过程记在了下面这张小纸上，偶然得以保存下来：

这是1731年5月19日我在图书馆阅读历史著作时的一些感想：

“世界大事，如战争、革命等，都是由政党进行并受其影响的。

这些政党的观点代表着他们当前的普遍利益，或是他们借以维护这些利益的手段。

不同政党的不同意见引起了各种纷争和混乱。

一个政党制定其宏观纲领时，各人的私人利益都会在其中得以体现。

一旦政党完成其宏观目标，各党员即开始着力实现其个人利益，相互阻挠干预，使得政党四分五裂，从而引起更大混乱。

在公共事务中，不管人们口头上怎么说，很少有人做事是单纯从国家利益出发的。尽管他们的行为会给国家带来真正的好处，但人们的主要考虑还是基于自己的利益与国家利益存在一致性，而非出于爱国热忱。

而在公共事务中以造福人类为目标的，更是少之又少。

在我看来，当前很有必要建立一个“道德联合党”，将各国善良、有德行的人们组织起来，形成一个常设机构，并制定恰当而科学的规章加以管理，这样善良、睿智的人们很可能会一致遵守这一规章，比普通人对普通法律的服从更加没有异议。

我现在认为，如果有人能采用正确方法来作此尝试，而他本人又具备足够的资格和能力的话，一定不会让上帝失望，一定能够取得成功。

本杰明·富兰克林”

我想如果今后的境遇使我得有闲暇，我就来完成这项计划，于是现在我不时在纸上记下与此有关的想法。这些纸片大多数遗失了，但我发现其中有一张纸上记载着将来打算成立的教派的主旨，其中包含各个知名教派的教义精髓，但其内容又不冒犯任何宗教的信奉者。原文记载如下：

“有位上帝创造了世间万物。

他依其神旨统治世界。

人应通过敬慕、祈祷、感恩来崇拜上帝。

而最被上帝接纳的服务方式是与人为善。

灵魂不灭。

上帝必将褒奖美德、惩治恶行，或在此时，或在他日。”

My ideas at that time were, that the sect should be begun and spread at first among young and single men only; that each person to be initiated should not only declare his assent to such creed, but should have exercised himself with the thirteen weeks' examination and practice of the virtues, as in the before-mention'd model; that the existence of such a society should be kept a secret, till it was become considerable, to prevent solicitations for the admission of improper persons, but that the members should each of them search among his acquaintance for ingenuous, well-disposed youths, to whom, with prudent caution, the scheme should be gradually communicated; that the members should engage to afford their advice, assistance, and support to each other in promoting one another's interests, business, and advancement in life; that, for distinction, we should be call'd The Society of the Free and Easy: free, as being, by the general practice and habit of the virtues, free from the dominion of vice; and particularly by the practice of industry and frugality, free from debt, which exposes a man to confinement, and a species of slavery to his creditors.

This is as much as I can now recollect of the project, except that I communicated it in part to two young men, who adopted it with some enthusiasm; but my then narrow circumstances, and the necessity I was under of sticking close to my business, occasion'd my postponing the further prosecution of it at that time; and my multifarious occupations, public and private, induc'd me to continue postponing, so that it has been omitted till I have no longer strength or activity left sufficient for such an enterprise; tho' I am still of opinion that it was a practicable scheme, and might have been very useful, by forming a great number of good citizens; and I was not discourag'd by the seeming magnitude of the undertaking, as I have always thought that one man of tolerable abilities may work great changes, and accomplish great affairs among mankind, if he first forms a good plan, and, cutting off all amusements or other employments that would divert his attention, makes the execution of that same plan his sole study and business.

当时我的想法是，成立初期，本教派应先只在年轻的单身汉中传播。加入本教派的人不仅要宣布服从以上信条，还应按照前面提过的方法进行13周的道德自省和实践。为防止不合适的人选申请入教，教派成员应对外严格保密，直至教派发展壮大。但教派成员均应物色友人中率直、好心的年轻人，逐渐向他们传递关于这个计划的信息，做到小心谨慎。教派各成员应互相劝谏、互相帮扶，以促进彼此利益，帮助彼此事业发展，取得人生的进步。这一教派应起名为“自由无忧会”，以示和其他教派的区别。所谓“自由”，是指各种美德已成日常行为和习惯，因此人们摆脱了恶行的控制，尤其是养成勤奋和节俭的习惯后，人们摆脱了债务的烦扰，而债务往往会让人陷入拘禁及被债主奴役的境地。

关于这个计划，我所能记得的就是这些了。此外，我还记得曾把部分计划告诉过两个年轻人，他们相当热情地采纳了这个计划。但我当时境遇窘困，需要潜心专注于自己的事业，因此当时只好推迟执行这个计划。后来我各种公私事务缠身，只得将其继续拖延，直至我终究没有足够的精力和活力来完成这样一项工程，也就将其淡忘了。但我依然认为这个计划是可行的，可能在培养出众多好公民方面十分有用。这项事业表面看来艰巨繁杂，但我并未因此而气馁。我向来认为，一个有着较高才能的人若能先制定良好的计划，并舍弃所有可能分散其注意力的娱乐活动或事务，将执行这项计划作为其研究和事业的唯一内容，就会带来巨大变革，在人世间成就伟大事业。

In 1732 I first publish'd my Almanack, under the name of Richard Saunders; it was continu'd by me about twenty-five years, commonly call'd Poor Richard's Almanac. I endeavor'd to make it both entertaining and useful, and it accordingly came to be in such demand, that I reap'd considerable profit from it, vending annually near ten thousand. And observing that it was generally read, scarce any neighborhood in the province being without it, I consider'd it as a proper vehicle for conveying instruction among the common people, who bought scarcely any other books; I therefore filled all the little spaces that occurr'd between the remarkable days in the calendar with proverbial sentences, chiefly such as inculcated industry and frugality, as the means of procuring wealth, and thereby securing virtue; it being more difficult for a man in want, to act always honestly, as, to use here one of those proverbs, it is hard for an empty sack to stand up-right.

1732年，我用理查德·桑德斯的名字首次发行了我的年鉴。我后来继续发行年鉴长达大约25年时间，人们一般称为《穷理查年鉴》。我努力使这本年鉴既有趣味性，又有实用性，因此这本书风靡一时，年销量接近一万本，使我收益颇丰。考虑到书的读者面广，本州几乎每家每户都有一本，我想这是向普通民众传递知识的好方式，因为他们很少会买别的书。于是，我将日历上重大日子之间的空白处都印上谚语式的句子，主要是教导人们勤奋和节俭是致富从而养成美德的方法。对于穷人来说，始终做到诚实比富人更难，这可以用其中一句谚语来形容，即空口袋难立直。

These proverbs, which contained the wisdom of many ages and nations, I assembled and form'd into a connected discourse prefix'd to the Almanack of 1757, as the harangue of a wise old man to the people attending an auction. The bringing all these scatter'd counsels thus into a focus enabled them to make greater impression. The piece, being universally approved, was copied in all the newspapers of the Continent; reprinted in Britain on a broad side, to be stuck up in houses; two translations were made of it in French, and great numbers bought by the clergy and gentry, to distribute gratis among their poor parishioners and tenants. In Pennsylvania, as it discouraged useless expense in foreign superfluities, some thought it had its share of influence in producing that growing plenty of money which was observable for several years after its publication.

I considered my newspaper, also, as another means of communicating instruction, and in that view frequently reprinted in it extracts from the Spectator, and other moral writers; and sometimes publish'd little pieces of my own, which had been first compos'd for reading in our Junto. Of these are a Socratic dialogue, tending to prove that, whatever might be his parts and abilities, a vicious man could not properly be called a man of sense; and a discourse on self-denial, showing that virtue was not secure till its practice became a habitude, and was free from the opposition of contrary inclinations. These may be found in the papers about the beginning of 1735.

In the conduct of my newspaper, I carefully excluded all libelling and personal abuse, which is of late years become so disgraceful to our country. Whenever I was solicited to insert anything of that kind, and the writers pleaded, as they generally did, the liberty of the press, and that a newspaper was like a stagecoach, in which any one who would pay had a right to a place, my answer was, that I would print the piece separately if desired, and the author might have as many copies as he pleased to distribute himself, but that I would not take upon me to spread his detraction; and that, having contracted with my subscribers to furnish them with what might be either useful or entertaining, I could not fill their papers with private altercation, in which they had no concern, without doing them manifest injustice. Now, many of our printers make no scruple of gratifying the malice of individuals by false accusations of the fairest characters among ourselves, augmenting animosity even to the producing of duels; and are, moreover, so indiscreet as to print scurrilous reflections on the government of neighboring states, and even on the conduct of our best national allies, which may be attended with the most pernicious consequences. These things I mention as a caution to young printers, and that they may be encouraged not to pollute their presses and disgrace their profession by such infamous practices, but refuse steadily, as they may see by my example that such a course of conduct will not, on the whole, be injurious to their interests.

这些谚语包含着来自各个时代不同国家的智慧，我将它们收集起来写成一篇衔接连贯的文章，放在1757年年鉴的前面，就像一位睿智的老者向参与拍卖会的人们大声演说一般。这样将分散的谏言集中起来能给人们留下更深的印象。文章得到众人赞赏，美洲各家报纸都纷纷刊载；在英国，人们用大幅纸张翻印，以便贴在家里；文章还有两个法语译本，牧师和贵族都大量购买，将其免费发放给穷困的教区居民和佃农。在宾夕法尼亚，有人认为这篇文章对财富的增长也有一定作用，这在文章发表后的几年里可以看出来，因为文章劝诫人们不要购买无用的外国奢侈品。

我认为我的报纸也是教导民众的另外一种途径，因此我常在报上登载《旁观者》或是其他道德论说文的摘要，有时还会刊发自己的一些小文章，这最初是我为在“密社”中朗读而写。其中有一篇是苏格拉底式的对话，意在证明无论才华和能力如何，品行不端之人都不能称为明达之人。还有一篇讲述自制克己的文章，指出只有美德成为习惯，并不受相反习性所扰时，这种品德才真正养成。这些文章也许可在1735年初的报纸上找到。

在办报纸时，我小心地避免刊登一切带有诽谤性和人身攻击色彩的文章。近年来，这类文章给我们国家带来了莫大的负面影响。每当有人央求我在文章中插入该类语句时，他们一般会以出版自由为借口，说报纸就像公共马车，只要花钱，人人都应有一个位置。我则会回答说，如果想要的话，我可以单独印刷那篇文章，作者想散发多少份我就印多少份，但我不会承担他散播诽谤言论的责任。再者，我与我的订户签订了合约，要为他们提供或有实用性或有趣味性的报纸，因此不能在报纸上登载一些他们毫不关心的私人争论，我这样做显然对他们不公平。现在，我们许多报纸无所顾忌地迎合个人的恶意，毫无根据地指责我们之中最为优秀的人物，挑拨离间，甚至引起双方反目。此外，他们还草率地发表关于邻国政府的低级言论，甚至对我们最友好的盟国也说三道四，这可能会招致极为严重的后果。我提及这些事情是想提醒年轻的报纸发行人，希望他们不要做这样令人不齿的事情，以免玷污他们的出版物，使他们的职业为之蒙羞。他们应坚定地拒绝这样做，因为他们可以从我的事例中看出，总体来说，这样做并不会损害他们的利益。

In 1733 I sent one of my journeymen to Charleston, South Carolina, where a printer was wanting. I furnish'd him with a press and letters, on an agreement of partnership, by which I was to receive one-third of the profits of the business, paying one-third of the expense. He was a man of learning, and honest but ignorant in matters of account; and, tho' he sometimes made me remittances, I could get no account from him, nor any satisfactory state of our partnership while he lived. On his decease, the business was continued by his widow, who, being born and bred in Holland, where, as I have been inform'd, the knowledge of accounts makes a part of female education, she not only sent me as clear a state as she could find of the transactions past, but continued to account with the greatest regularity and exactness every quarter afterwards, and managed the business with such success, that she not only brought up reputably a family of children, but, at the expiration of the term, was able to purchase of me the printing-house, and establish her son in it.

I mention this affair chiefly for the sake of recommending that branch of education for our young females, as likely to be of more use to them and their children, in case of widowhood, than either music or dancing, by preserving them from losses by imposition of crafty men, and enabling them to continue, perhaps, a profitable mercantile house, with establish'd correspondence, till a son is grown up fit to undertake and go on with it, to the lasting advantage and enriching of the family.

About the year 1734 there arrived among us from Ireland a young Presbyterian preacher, named Hemphill, who delivered with a good voice, and apparently extempore, most excellent discourses, which drew together considerable numbers of different persuasion, who join'd in admiring him. Among the rest, I became one of his constant hearers, his sermons pleasing me, as they had little of the dogmatical kind, but inculcated strongly the practice of virtue, or what in the religious stile are called good works. Those, however, of our congregation, who considered themselves as orthodox Presbyterians, disapprov'd his doctrine, and were join'd by most of the old clergy, who arraign'd him of heterodoxy before the synod, in order to have him silenc'd. I became his zealous partisan, and contributed all I could to raise a party in his favor, and we combated for him a while with some hopes of success. There was much scribbling pro and con upon the occasion; and finding that, tho' an elegant preacher, he was but a poor writer, I lent him my pen and wrote for him two or three pamphlets, and one piece in the Gazette of April, 1735. Those pamphlets, as is generally the case with controversial writings, tho' eagerly read at the time, were soon out of vogue, and I question whether a single copy of them now exists.

1733年，我派一个工人去南卡罗来纳的查尔斯顿，那里正缺一个印刷所。我提供给他一部印刷机和一些铅字，并与他订立了合伙协议，我得到印刷所三分之一的利润，并负担三分之一的开支。他很有学问，人也诚实，就是不懂会计事务。尽管他有时给我汇钱，但我却从他那儿拿不到会计账目，他在世时我也没得到对我们合伙情况的令人满意的说明。他去世后，印刷所的事务交由他的妻子接管。他妻子在荷兰出生并长大，据我所知，在荷兰，会计知识是女性教育的内容之一。她不仅把她能找到的关于以前生意的记录尽可能清楚地寄给我，后来每个季度都会寄来规范且精确的会计账目表。她把印刷店经营得很成功，不仅把他们的孩子抚养成人，名声很好，合约期满时，她还有能力把印刷所从我手上买下来，让儿子独立经营。

我提这件事，主要是希望我们的女青年也能接受会计方面的教育。这样万一婚后守了寡，会计知识对她们和她们的孩子来说，可能要比音乐或舞蹈实用得多，它能使她们不受奸人蒙骗而受损失，或许还能让她们凭着业已建立的业务往来继续经营盈利的生意，直到儿子长大能够接手并继续经营为止，使家庭持续受益，获取财富。

大约在1734年，一位年轻的长老会传教士从爱尔兰来到我们这儿，名叫汉姆菲尔。他声音悦耳，能即席发表极为动人的演讲，吸引了众多不同教派的信徒聚在一起，纷纷夸赞他。我也经常和其他人一起听他演讲，我很喜欢他的布道，因为他极少空谈教条，而是大力劝谏人们践行道德，或用宗教说法来说叫积德。但我们会众中有些人自认为是正统的长老会教徒，不赞同汉姆菲尔讲的教义，大多数老牧师也站在他们这边，在教会会议上抨击他为异端，想要禁止他传教。我成了汉姆菲尔的热烈拥护者，并尽我所能地组织了一个团体来支持他，为他斗争了一段时间，当时还有一些成功的希望。当时双方你来我往地展开笔伐。我发现尽管汉姆菲尔牧师演讲能力出众，但他的写作能力并不好，于是我代他写了两三本小册子，还有一篇文章发表在1735年4月的政府公报上。如同所有争论性文章一样，那些小册子在当时读者甚多，但很快就被人遗忘了，恐怕现在一本也没留下来。

During the contest an unlucky occurrence hurt his cause exceedingly. One of our adversaries having heard him preach a sermon that was much admired, thought he had somewhere read the sermon before, or at least a part of it. On search he found that part quoted at length, in one of the British Reviews, from a discourse of Dr. Foster's. This detection gave many of our party disgust, who accordingly abandoned his cause, and occasion'd our more speedy discomfiture in the synod. I stuck by him, however, as I rather approv'd his giving us good sermons compos'd by others, than bad ones of his own manufacture, tho' the latter was the practice of our common teachers. He afterward acknowledg'd to me that none of those he preach'd were his own; adding, that his memory was such as enabled him to retain and repeat any sermon after one reading only. On our defeat, he left us in search elsewhere of better fortune, and I quitted the congregation, never joining it after, tho' I continu'd many years my subscription for the support of its ministers.

I had begun in 1733 to study languages; I soon made myself so much a master of the French as to be able to read the books with ease. I then undertook the Italian. An acquaintance, who was also learning it, us'd often to tempt me to play chess with him. Finding this took up too much of the time I had to spare for study, I at length refus'd to play any more, unless on this condition, that the victor in every game should have a right to impose a task, either in parts of the grammar to be got by heart, or in translations, etc., which tasks the vanquish'd was to perform upon honour, before our next meeting. As we play'd pretty equally, we thus beat one another into that language. I afterwards with a little painstaking, acquir'd as much of the Spanish as to read their books also.

在这场争论中，发生了一件不幸的事，极大损害了他的事业。我们的对立方中有个人曾听他讲授过一篇广为称道的教义，觉得以前在哪儿听过，或者至少听过一部分。经过搜寻，他发现了那部分讲道的详细出处，原来是摘自一期《英国评论》上登载的福斯特博士的文章。这一发现使我们这派的许多人都开始厌恶汉姆菲尔，因此也就不再支持他，这加速了我们在教会会议上的失势。但我依然和汉姆菲尔站在一起，因为我认为，尽管牧师一般是自己创作教义的，但他向我们讲授别人创作的好教义，要比自己粗制滥造好得多。后来他向我承认，他所传授的教义，无一是由他自己创作，还说他的记忆力非常惊人，任何教义但凡读过一遍，都能过目不忘。我们失败之后，他就离开了我们，去别处碰运气了。我也退出了教会会议，后来再没参加过，但多年以来始终捐款支持牧师们。

1733年，我开始学习外语。我很快便掌握了法语，能够轻松阅读法语书籍。接着我又开始学习意大利语。我有个朋友也在学意大利语，他常常找我和他下象棋。我发现下象棋占用了我太多的学习时间，后来就不再和他下了，除非他答应一个条件，即每盘棋的胜出一方有权让另一方完成一项任务，或是背诵语法，或是翻译等等，失败一方在下次见面前要完成这项任务。我俩的棋艺势均力敌，因此我们都起到了敦促对方学习那种语言的作用。后来我又花了些功夫学习西班牙语，也能阅读西班牙语书籍。

I have already mention'd that I had only one year's instruction in a Latin school, and that when very young, after which I neglected that language entirely. But, when I had attained an acquaintance with the French, Italian, and Spanish, I was surpriz'd to find, on looking over a Latin Testament, that I understood so much more of that language than I had imagined, which encouraged me to apply myself again to the study of it, and I met with more success, as those preceding languages had greatly smooth'd my way.

From these circumstances, I have thought that there is some inconsistency in our common mode of teaching languages. We are told that it is proper to begin first with the Latin, and, having acquir'd that, it will be more easy to attain those modern languages which are deriv'd from it; and yet we do not begin with the Greek, in order more easily to acquire the Latin. It is true that, if you can clamber and get to the top of a staircase without using the steps, you will more easily gain them in descending; but certainly, if you begin with the lowest you will with more ease ascend to the top; and I would therefore offer it to the consideration of those who superintend the education of our youth, whether, since many of those who begin with the Latin quit the same after spending some years without having made any great proficiency, and what they have learnt becomes almost useless, so that their time has been lost, it would not have been better to have begun with the French, proceeding to the Italian, etc.; for, tho', after spending the same time, they should quit the study of languages and never arrive at the Latin, they would, however, have acquired another tongue or two, that, being in modern use, might be serviceable to them in common life.

After ten years' absence from Boston, and having become easy in my circumstances, I made a journey thither to visit my relations, which I could not sooner well afford. In returning, I call'd at Newport to see my brother, then settled there with his printing-house. Our former differences were forgotten, and our meeting was very cordial and affectionate. He was fast declining in his health, and requested of me that, in case of his death, which he apprehended not far distant, I would take home his son, then but ten years of age, and bring him up to the printing business. This I accordingly perform'd, sending him a few years to school before I took him into the office. His mother carried on the business till he was grown up, when I assisted him with an assortment of new types, those of his father being in a manner worn out. Thus it was that I made my brother ample amends for the service I had depriv'd him of by leaving him so early.

我曾提过，年幼时我只在一所拉丁学校读过一年书，后来把拉丁文全都忘了。但学习了法语、意大利语和西班牙语后，我在翻阅拉丁文版本的《圣经》时惊讶地发现，我对这种语言掌握得比我想象的要多，这鼓舞了我，决心再次学习拉丁文。后来我收获颇多，因为之前的语言学习已经在很大程度上为我铺平了道路。

从这些情况看来，我认为我们教授语言的一般模式存在不合理之处。人们常说应先从拉丁文学起，在掌握拉丁文之后，再去学习由其衍生而来的现代语言会容易一些。如果是这样，我们为什么不从希腊语学起呢？这样再来学习拉丁文也会更容易些。的确，如果你不借助台阶便能登至楼梯顶点，下楼时会更容易，但如果你从最低一级台阶开始往上爬，就能更加轻松自如地到达顶点。许多先学拉丁文的人在几年后便停止了学习，也没取得什么大的进步，而他们所学的几乎完全无用，这样时间也就浪费了，因此，我要请主管青年教育的部门考虑语言是否应先从法语学起，然后学意大利语等，因为在花费同样的时间后，他们停止语言学习，也达不到学习拉丁文的程度，但他们学到了现代通用的一两种语言，这在日常生活中也许对他们更有用。

我离开波士顿已经10年了，如今生活富足，于是我就踏上旅途，回波士顿去拜访我的亲戚，而以前我是负担不起旅费的。在回乡的途中，我去新港看望了哥哥，他当时搬到了那里，开了一家印刷店。我们从前的芥蒂一笔勾销，会面亲切而融洽。哥哥身体每况愈下，认为自己就要不久于人世了，于是请求我在他去世后把他当时只有10岁的儿子接到我家去，让他学习印刷业务。他的请求我照办了，我先把他的儿子送到学校学习了几年，后来又让他跟着学习印刷业务。他母亲在他长大以前一直从事这一行业，等他长大后，我帮他置办了一套新铅字，他父亲那些已经磨损了。当年我很早就离开了哥哥，没有为他服务多久，通过这种方式，我对他做了丰厚的补偿。

In 1736 I lost one of my sons, a fine boy of four years old, by the small-pox, taken in the common way. I long regretted bitterly, and still regret that I had not given it to him by inoculation. This I mention for the sake of parents who omit that operation, on the supposition that they should never forgive themselves if a child died under it; my example showing that the regret may be the same either way, and that, therefore, the safer should be chosen.

Our club, the Junto, was found so useful, and afforded such satisfaction to the members, that several were desirous of introducing their friends, which could not well be done without exceeding what we had settled as a convenient number, viz., twelve. We had from the beginning made it a rule to keep our institution a secret, which was pretty well observ'd; the intention was to avoid applications of improper persons for admittance, some of whom, perhaps, we might find it difficult to refuse. I was one of those who were against any addition to our number, but, instead of it, made in writing a proposal, that every member separately should endeavor to form a subordinate club, with the same rules respecting queries, etc., and without informing them of the connection with the Junto. The advantages proposed were, the improvement of so many more young citizens by the use of our institutions; our better acquaintance with the general sentiments of the inhabitants on any occasion, as the Junto member might propose what queries we should desire, and was to report to the Junto what pass'd in his separate club; the promotion of our particular interests in business by more extensive recommendation, and the increase of our influence in public affairs, and our power of doing good by spreading thro' the several clubs the sentiments of the Junto.

The project was approv'd, and every member undertook to form his club, but they did not all succeed. Five or six only were compleated, which were called by different names, as the Vine, the Union, the Band, etc. They were useful to themselves, and afforded us a good deal of amusement, information, and instruction, besides answering, in some considerable degree, our views of influencing the public opinion on particular occasions, of which I shall give some instances in course of time as they happened.

1736年，我失去了一个儿子，是个四岁的漂亮男孩，他得了天花，夭折了。很长一段时间里我都懊悔不已，现在仍然后悔没给他种痘。我提及此事，是为了提醒那些疏忽此事的父母，万一孩子因此而死，他们将永远不会原谅自己。我的实例表明，种与不种都可能会有遗憾，因此还是应该采取更为安全的办法。

我们的社团（即“密社”）对于会员来说大有裨益，能带来很大的满足感，于是有些会员想介绍朋友参加，但这样就会超过我们曾经约定的俱乐部的合适人数，即12个。从一开始我们就规定不让别人知道我们这个俱乐部的存在，这一点大家都严格遵守了，目的就在于避免不合适的人选申请加入，而我们也可能难以拒绝其中的某些人。我是反对俱乐部增加人数的人之一，还写了一份建议书，提议俱乐部的每个成员设法单独成立下属俱乐部，采用同样的讨论规则等，但不要透露他们与“密社”的关系。这一提议的好处是，更多年轻人可以通过参加我们的俱乐部得到进步，因为社员可以在下属俱乐部中提议讨论我们希望了解的问题，然后向“密社”报告各自俱乐部中的讨论过程，这样我们就能更好地了解特定事件中居民们的大致想法和感受。更为广泛的推广提升了我们在业务上的特殊利益，我们在公共事务中的影响力也有所提高。我们还把“密社”里的看法在下属的俱乐部传播开去，从而增强了行善的能力。

我的提议得到了赞同，每位成员都着手成立自己的下属俱乐部，但并没有全都成功，只有五六个下属俱乐部真正建立起来。下属俱乐部的名字多种多样，如“葡萄藤”、“联盟会”、“联合社”等等。下属俱乐部对会员很有益，也为我们带来了很多乐趣、信息与启示，还在很大程度上符合我们在特定事件中影响舆论的期望，我会在后面适当地举些例子来作出说明。

My first promotion was my being chosen, in 1736, clerk of the General Assembly. The choice was made that year without opposition; but the year following, when I was again propos'd (the choice, like that of the members, being annual), a new member made a long speech against me, in order to favor some other candidate. I was, however, chosen, which was the more agreeable to me, as, besides the pay for the immediate service as clerk, the place gave me a better opportunity of keeping up an interest among the members, which secur'd to me the business of printing the votes, laws, paper money, and other occasional jobs for the public, that, on the whole, were very profitable.

I therefore did not like the opposition of this new member, who was a gentleman of fortune and education, with talents that were likely to give him, in time, great influence in the House, which, indeed, afterwards happened. I did not, however, aim at gaining his favor by paying any servile respect to him, but, after some time, took this other method. Having heard that he had in his library a certain very scarce and curious book, I wrote a note to him, expressing my desire of perusing that book, and requesting he would do me the favor of lending it to me for a few days. He sent it immediately, and I return'd it in about a week with another note, expressing strongly my sense of the favor. When we next met in the House, he spoke to me (which he had never done before), and with great civility; and he ever after manifested a readiness to serve me on all occasions, so that we became great friends, and our friendship continued to his death. This is another instance of the truth of an old maxim I had learned, which says, "He that has once done you a kindness will be more ready to do you another, than he whom you yourself have obliged." And it shows how much more profitable it is prudently to remove, than to resent, return, and continue inimical proceedings.

我的第一次升迁是在1736年，我当选为州议会秘书。那年我的当选是一致通过的，没有人反对，但第二年我又被提名为秘书人选时（和议员一样，秘书的任期也是一年），一位新议员发表了长篇演说反对我，以帮助另一位候选人。但我还是当选了，这让我十分愉快，因为我除了可以得到秘书的工资外，这一职位还能让我更好地与议员们保持联系，从而揽得印刷选票、法律、纸币的生意和其他临时的公家业务。总体来说，这些生意的利润十分丰厚。

因此我很不希望这位新议员反对我。他是一位财力雄厚、教养良好的绅士，才能出众，假以时日的话，他很可能会在议会里有很大影响力，后来也确实如此。但我不想靠卑躬屈膝来赢得他的支持，一段时间后，我通过其他方式做到了。我听说他藏有一本十分稀有且珍贵的书，就写了张便条给他，说很希望拜读此书，请他将书借我几日。他便立刻把书寄来了，大约一周后，我把书还给了他，又附上一张便条，对他的恩惠深表感激。我们再在议会见面时，他就开口和我说话了（此前从未有过），且彬彬有礼。从此以后，无论什么情况，他总是愿意帮我的忙，我们成了很好的朋友，友谊一直持续到他去世。这又一次印证了我曾经听过的一句古老的格言：“曾施惠于你的人会愿意再次施惠于你，他们比受你恩惠的人更加乐意这么做。”这件事也说明，与其憎恨、报复对方，使双方的敌意持续下去，不如谨慎地消除这种情绪更为有益。

In 1737, Colonel Spotswood, late governor of Virginia, and then postmaster-general, being dissatisfied with the conduct of his deputy at Philadelphia, respecting some negligence in rendering, and inexactitude of his accounts, took from him the commission and offered it to me. I accepted it readily, and found it of great advantage; for, tho' the salary was small, it facilitated the correspondence that improv'd my newspaper, increas'd the number demanded, as well as the advertisements to be inserted, so that it came to afford me a considerable income. My old competitor's newspaper declin'd proportionably, and I was satisfy'd without retaliating his refusal, while postmaster, to permit my papers being carried by the riders. Thus he suffer'd greatly from his neglect in due accounting; and I mention it as a lesson to those young men who may be employ'd in managing affairs for others, that they should always render accounts, and make remittances, with great clearness and punctuality. The character of observing such a conduct is the most powerful of all recommendations to new employments and increase of business.

I began now to turn my thoughts a little to public affairs, beginning, however, with small matters. The city watch was one of the first things that I conceiv'd to want regulation. It was managed by the constables of the respective wards in turn; the constable warned a number of housekeepers to attend him for the night. Those who chose never to attend paid him six shillings a year to be excus'd, which was suppos'd to be for hiring substitutes, but was, in reality, much more than was necessary for that purpose, and made the constableship a place of profit; and the constable, for a little drink, often got such ragamuffins about him as a watch, that respectable housekeepers did not choose to mix with. Walking the rounds, too, was often neglected, and most of the nights spent in tippling. I thereupon wrote a paper, to be read in Junto, representing these irregularities, but insisting more particularly on the inequality of this six-shilling tax of the constables, respecting the circumstances of those who paid it, since a poor widow housekeeper, all whose property to be guarded by the watch did not perhaps exceed the value of fifty pounds, paid as much as the wealthiest merchant, who had thousands of pounds worth of goods in his stores.

1737年，斯波茨伍德上校（弗吉尼亚前任总督，时任邮电总长）因不满费城的代理人在账目处理上的疏忽和粗枝大叶，就免了其职务，让我接替。我欣然接受，后来发现这个职位对我大有好处，因为尽管薪水不高，却便利了通信和稿件往来，使报纸的质量得以改进，并增加了报纸订户数量和广告需求，因此给我带来了可观的收入。我那位老竞争对手的报纸相应地走了下坡路。我心满意足，也不去报复他管理邮局时不许邮差替我送报的行为了。就这样，他因疏于账目管理而备受其害。我提到这点，是希望年轻人能吸取教训，如若受雇于人，替人管理事务，就应始终做到清楚记账，按时汇款，条理清晰，不出差错。如能做到这点，那么其品格就是他谋求新职位、拓展新业务时最好的推荐书。

这时我开始把自己的想法稍稍转至公共事务上来，但一开始我是从小事着手的。费城的巡查制度是我认为亟待整顿的头几件事之一。夜间巡查原是由各区的治安官轮流执行，治安官通知若干户主和他一起巡夜。那些不来巡查的每年出六个先令，便可免于参加。这笔钱原本是用来雇用替代者的，而事实上远远超过了实际所需，于是治安官一职就成了肥差。治安官因为贪杯，便常常找些流浪汉一起巡夜，而品行端正的户主就不愿参与其中了。巡查工作也常常被忽视，大多数夜晚都被巡夜者在酒精中消磨了过去。于是我写了一篇文章在“密社”中宣读，指出了这些不当情形，还着重强调了不考虑各人实际情况、一律规定付给治安官六先令的做法是不公平的，因为一个穷困的寡妇所需保护的全部财产价值也许还不超过50镑，但她所付的钱却和库存价值千镑的富商一样多。

On the whole, I proposed as a more effectual watch, the hiring of proper men to serve constantly in that business; and as a more equitable way of supporting the charge the levying a tax that should be proportion'd to the property. This idea, being approv'd by the Junto, was communicated to the other clubs, but as arising in each of them; and though the plan was not immediately carried into execution, yet, by preparing the minds of people for the change, it paved the way for the law obtained a few years after, when the members of our clubs were grown into more influence.

About this time I wrote a paper (first to be read in Junto, but it was afterward publish'd) on the different accidents and carelessnesses by which houses were set on fire, with cautions against them, and means proposed of avoiding them. This was much spoken of as a useful piece, and gave rise to a project, which soon followed it, of forming a company for the more ready extinguishing of fires, and mutual assistance in removing and securing the goods when in danger. Associates in this scheme were presently found, amounting to thirty. Our articles of agreement oblig'd every member to keep always in good order, and fit for use, a certain number of leather buckets, with strong bags and baskets (for packing and transporting of goods), which were to be brought to every fire; and we agreed to meet once a month and spend a social evening together, in discoursing and communicating such ideas as occurred to us upon the subject of fires, as might be useful in our conduct on such occasions.

The utility of this institution soon appeared, and many more desiring to be admitted than we thought convenient for one company, they were advised to form another, which was accordingly done; and this went on, one new company being formed after another, till they became so numerous as to include most of the inhabitants who were men of property; and now, at the time of my writing this, tho' upward of fifty years since its establishment, that which I first formed, called the Union Fire Company, still subsists and flourishes, tho' the first members are all deceas'd but myself and one, who is older by a year than I am. The small fines that have been paid by members for absence at the monthly meetings have been apply'd to the purchase of fire-engines, ladders, fire-hooks, and other useful implements for each company, so that I question whether there is a city in the world better provided with the means of putting a stop to beginning conflagrations; and, in fact, since these institutions, the city has never lost by fire more than one or two houses at a time, and the flames have often been extinguished before the house in which they began has been half consumed.

大体上讲，我提出了一种更为有效的巡夜方式，即雇用合适的人手长期巡夜；另外，为使巡夜费的征收更为公平，各人应根据自己的财产额度按比例交费。这一想法在社里得到赞同，并传递给了其他俱乐部，但这是作为各俱乐部自己的意见提出的。尽管这项计划未能马上实施，但它使人们对改革做好了心理准备，也为几年以后法律的通过铺平了道路，那时我们俱乐部会员的影响力已经更大了。

大约这个时候，我写了一篇文章（首先在学习社里朗读，后来发表了），论述使房子着火的各种事故和疏忽，提醒人们要小心，还提出了避免火灾的办法。人们纷纷认为这篇文章非常有益，并由此制定计划来组建一支消防队，以便能更迅速扑灭火灾及危险时要互帮互助转移货物。不久就有30人参加这个组织。我们订立了合约，规定每个成员都应随时备好一定数量且适用的皮水桶，还有结实的袋子和篮子（用于包装和运送货物），一旦发生火灾就要带来。我们还约定每月见面开一次晚会，相互交流讨论我们能够想到的火灾话题，这在火灾真正发生时或许对我们有用。

这一组织的实用性很快就显现出来，要求加入的人越来越多，大大超过我们认为合适的限额，于是建议他们另组一队，他们同意了。就这样，新的消防队接二连三地建立起来，数量越来越多，后来大多数有钱居民也加入其中。到现在我写自传之时，尽管离消防队建立已有50年之久，但我最初成立的“联合消防队”仍然存在，且发展很好，只是第一批成员中只我和另一位依然健在，此人比我要大一岁。当时每月开会缺席的成员要交纳数额不大的罚款，用于为各队购买救火机、消防梯、消防钩和其他灭火设备，因此我想世界上没有哪个城市能比费城更为迅速地控制住刚刚发生的火灾了。事实上，自从成立了消防队之后，费城因火灾被毁的房屋从未超过两间，且通常在起火房屋被烧毁一半之前，火就被扑灭了。

In 1739 arrived among us from Ireland the Reverend Mr. Whitefield, who had made himself remarkable there as an itinerant preacher. He was at first permitted to preach in some of our churches; but the clergy, taking a dislike to him, soon refus'd him their pulpits, and he was oblig'd to preach in the fields. The multitudes of all sects and denominations that attended his sermons were enormous, and it was matter of speculation to me, who was one of the number, to observe the extraordinary influence of his oratory on his hearers, and how much they admir'd and respected him, notwithstanding his common abuse of them, by assuring them that they were naturally half beasts and half devils. It was wonderful to see the change soon made in the manners of our inhabitants. From being thoughtless or indifferent about religion, it seem'd as if all the world were growing religious, so that one could not walk thro' the town in an evening without hearing psalms sung in different families of every street.

And it being found inconvenient to assemble in the open air, subject to its inclemencies, the building of a house to meet in was no sooner propos'd, and persons appointed to receive contributions, but sufficient sums were soon receiv'd to procure the ground and erect the building, which was one hundred feet long and seventy broad, about the size of Westminster Hall; and the work was carried on with such spirit as to be finished in a much shorter time than could have been expected. Both house and ground were vested in trustees, expressly for the use of any preacher of any religious persuasion who might desire to say something to the people at Philadelphia; the design in building not being to accommodate any particular sect, but the inhabitants in general; so that even if the Mufti of Constantinople were to send a missionary to preach Mohammedanism to us, he would find a pulpit at his service.

1739年，怀特菲尔德牧师从爱尔兰来到了我们这里，他是一位巡回传教士，在爱尔兰颇有名气。起初，他被允许在我们这儿的几个教堂内布道，但教堂的牧师不喜欢他，不久就不许他在教坛上讲道了，他只好在野外继续传道。各个教派听他传道的人都非常多，我也是听众之一。看得出，他的演讲对听众产生了巨大的影响，尽管他常常辱骂他们，说他们天生就一半是野兽，一半是魔鬼，他们还是崇拜他、尊敬他，这令我有些摸不着头脑。怀特菲尔德的演讲很快使居民们的行为习惯发生了改变，我对此感到十分惊奇。他们原本认为宗教缺乏深度、无关紧要，而现在似乎整个世界都宗教化了；傍晚时分在这座城市中行走时，人们总能听到每条街上各家各户都在唱赞美诗。

因为气候不好，露天集会常有不便，于是很快就提出了建造集会会堂的计划，还指定了专人接受捐款，这样，购买地皮建造会堂的钱款很快就募集齐了。会堂有100英尺长，70英尺宽，大小与威斯敏斯特教堂差不多。人们修建会堂的情绪十分高，工程完成时间比预计工期要短得多。会堂建筑和地皮都授权给保管委员会保管，任何教派的牧师若想对费城的民众进行布道，都可使用这座会堂。它的建造不是为了某个特定教派，而是为普通民众考虑，因此，即使是君士坦丁堡的伊斯兰学者要派传教士来向我们传授伊斯兰教教义，他也能在此讲授。

Mr. Whitefield, in leaving us, went preaching all the way thro' the colonies to Georgia. The settlement of that province had lately been begun, but, instead of being made with hardy, industrious husbandmen, accustomed to labor, the only people fit for such an enterprise, it was with families of broken shop-keepers and other insolvent debtors, many of indolent and idle habits, taken out of the jails, who, being set down in the woods, unqualified for clearing land, and unable to endure the hardships of a new settlement, perished in numbers, leaving many helpless children unprovided for. The sight of their miserable situation inspir'd the benevolent heart of Mr. Whitefield with the idea of building an Orphan House there, in which they might be supported and educated. Returning northward, he preach'd up this charity, and made large collections, for his eloquence had a wonderful power over the hearts and purses of his hearers, of which I myself was an instance.

I did not disapprove of the design, but, as Georgia was then destitute of materials and workmen, and it was proposed to send them from Philadelphia at a great expense, I thought it would have been better to have built the house here, and brought the children to it. This I advis'd; but he was resolute in his first project, rejected my counsel, and I therefore refus'd to contribute. I happened soon after to attend one of his sermons, in the course of which I perceived he intended to finish with a collection, and I silently resolved he should get nothing from me, I had in my pocket a handful of copper money, three or four silver dollars, and five pistols in gold. As he proceeded I began to soften, and concluded to give the coppers. Another stroke of his oratory made me asham'd of that, and determin'd me to give the silver; and he finish'd so admirably, that I empty'd my pocket wholly into the collector's dish, gold and all. At this sermon there was also one of our club, who, being of my sentiments respecting the building in Georgia, and suspecting a collection might be intended, had, by precaution, emptied his pockets before he came from home. Towards the conclusion of the discourse, however, he felt a strong desire to give, and apply'd to a neighbor, who stood near him, to borrow some money for the purpose. The application was unfortunately [made] to perhaps the only man in the company who had the firmness not to be affected by the preacher. His answer was, "At any other time, Friend Hopkinson, I would lend to thee freely; but not now, for thee seems to be out of thy right senses."

怀特菲尔德先生离开我们后，沿途继续布道，经过了诸多殖民地，一直到了佐治亚。佐治亚的移民潮刚刚开始，但移居去的不是强壮勤劳、惯于劳作的农夫（他们是唯一适于此项事业的人），而是些破产的商人，以及其他破产的债务人及其家属。他们大都好吃懒做、游手好闲，刚从监狱出来，在林地里住下却又不能胜任开垦土地的工作，忍受不了拓荒的艰苦，大批死亡，留下许多无依无靠的孩子。看到他们悲惨的境况，怀特菲尔德先生的慈悲之心大受触动，想在当地办一家孤儿院，这样孩子们可以有人抚养，也能接受教育。在回北方的路上，他一直宣传这项慈善事业，筹集了许多款项，因为他口才出众，能使听众们心悦诚服地慷慨解囊，我自己就是这样一个例子。

我并不反对这项计划，但当时佐治亚缺乏材料和劳力。有人建议花高额把所需的人力物力从费城运过去，我倒认为这还不如把孤儿院建在费城，把孩子们接到费城来。我向他提了这个建议，但他决意要执行原来的计划，不听我的忠告，因此我也拒绝捐款。不久之后，我恰好参加了他的一场布道会，当时我看出他打算在布道会结束时向听众募集资金，我暗暗打定主意，绝不捐给他任何钱财。当时我的口袋里有一把铜钱，三四个银元，还有五个金币。随着他布道的进行，我的决心开始软化下来，决定把铜钱捐给他；后来他的演说再次触动了我，让我深感羞愧，我决定把银元也捐出去；到了演讲末尾，他又讲得如此之妙，于是我把钱财倾囊相赠，全都放进了收款人的盘子里，包括金币在内。布道时，有个我们俱乐部的人也在场聆听，他赞同我关于在佐治亚建孤儿院一事的观点，由于原就猜想演讲的目的是要募集捐款，于是为小心起见，他在出门前就掏空了自己的口袋。然而演讲快要结束时，他感到有种捐款的强烈愿望，就向站在他附近的一位邻居借钱捐款。这个请求提得有些不巧，因为他的邻居可能是在场所有人里唯一未受布道者的影响、始终保持坚定立场的人。他回答说：“我的朋友霍普金森啊，其他任何时候我都会大方地把钱借给你，但是现在我不借，因为你看来有些不大对劲了。”

Some of Mr. Whitefield's enemies affected to suppose that he would apply these collections to his own private emolument; but I who was intimately acquainted with him (being employed in printing his Sermons and Journals, etc.), never had the least suspicion of his integrity, but am to this day decidedly of opinion that he was in all his conduct a perfectly honest man, and methinks my testimony in his favor ought to have the more weight, as we had no religious connection. He us'd, indeed, sometimes to pray for my conversion, but never had the satisfaction of believing that his prayers were heard. Ours was a mere civil friendship, sincere on both sides, and lasted to his death.

The following instance will show something of the terms on which we stood. Upon one of his arrivals from England at Boston, he wrote to me that he should come soon to Philadelphia, but knew not where he could lodge when there, as he understood his old friend and host, Mr. Benezet, was removed to Germantown. My answer was, "You know my house; if you can make shift with its scanty accommodations, you will be most heartily welcome." He reply'd, that if I made that kind offer for Christ's sake, I should not miss of a reward. And I returned, "Don't let me be mistaken; it was not for Christ's sake, but for your sake." One of our common acquaintance jocosely remark'd, that, knowing it to be the custom of the saints, when they received any favor, to shift the burden of the obligation from off their own shoulders, and place it in heaven, I had contriv'd to fix it on earth.

The last time I saw Mr. Whitefield was in London, when he consulted me about his Orphan House concern, and his purpose of appropriating it to the establishment of a college.

怀特菲尔德先生的几位敌人故意宣称他会把这些筹得的捐款作为个人报酬，但我与他关系很好（曾为他印刷过布道文和日志等），对他的正直品格毫不怀疑，直到今天，我依然坚定地相信，从他的一举一动来看，怀特菲尔德先生是一个非常诚实的人。我想我对他有利的证明应该更有分量，因为我们并无宗教上的联系。他的确有时会为我祈祷，希望我改信他的宗教，但我没有改信，因此他也无法因为相信上帝听到了他的祈祷从而心满意足。我们之间仅仅保持着世俗的友谊，双方诚恳相待，直至他去世。

下面这件事多少可以说明我们的友情。有一次他从英格兰来到波士顿，给我写信说很快要到费城来，但不知在费城逗留期间可以住在哪里，因为他得知老朋友兼房东贝内泽先生已搬到日耳曼城去了。我回复道：“你知道我住的地方，如果你不嫌简陋愿意将就的话，我由衷地欢迎你来我家住。”他回答说如果我看在基督的份上愿意招待他，我一定会有好报。我又回复说：“不要误会我，我可不是看在基督的份上，而是看在你的份上。”我们两人共同的一位朋友打趣地说，这是圣人们的习惯，当他们受到恩惠时，会把这人情从他们自己肩上移开，记在天上，而我却想把它记在地上。

我最后一次见到怀特菲尔德先生是在伦敦，当时他询问我孤儿院的事，他打算用那儿的建筑办一所大学。

He had a loud and clear voice, and articulated his words and sentences so perfectly, that he might be heard and understood at a great distance, especially as his auditories, however numerous, observ'd the most exact silence. He preach'd one evening from the top of the Court-house steps, which are in the middle of Market-street, and on the west side of Second-street, which crosses it at right angles. Both streets were fill'd with his hearers to a considerable distance. Being among the hindmost in Market-street, I had the curiosity to learn how far he could be heard, by retiring backwards down the street towards the river; and I found his voice distinct till I came near Front-street, when some noise in that street obscur'd it. Imagining then a semi-circle, of which my distance should be the radius, and that it were fill'd with auditors, to each of whom I allow'd two square feet, I computed that he might well be heard by more than thirty thousand. This reconcil'd me to the newspaper accounts of his having preach'd to twenty-five thousand people in the fields, and to the antient histories of generals haranguing whole armies, of which I had sometimes doubted.

By hearing him often, I came to distinguish easily between sermons newly compos'd, and those which he had often preach'd in the course of his travels. His delivery of the latter was so improv'd by frequent repetitions that every accent, every emphasis, every modulation of voice, was so perfectly well turn'd and well plac'd, that, without being interested in the subject, one could not help being pleas'd with the discourse; a pleasure of much the same kind with that receiv'd from an excellent piece of musick. This is an advantage itinerant preachers have over those who are stationary, as the latter can not well improve their delivery of a sermon by so many rehearsals.

怀特菲尔德先生声音洪亮清晰，他发音清楚，离他很远都能听到他说话并能理解他的意思，尤其无论听众人数多少，他们全都寂静无声地听他讲话。有天傍晚，他在法院台阶的顶端布道。法院位于市场街中部，第二街的西边（这两条街成直角交错）。两条街上都站满了听众，直到很远的地方。我当时站在市场街的尽头，好奇地想知道他的声音可以传多远，于是沿街向河的方向一直退去。我发现直到走近前街，他的声音依然清晰可闻，街上偶有嘈杂声才能把他的声音盖过去。当时我就想象出一个半圆，我与他的距离是半径，半圆中站满了听众，每人可有两平方英尺的面积，经计算得出，可能超过三万人能够听到他演讲。这使我终于相信报纸上关于他曾在野外向25,000人布道的报道，以及将军们慷慨激昂地向全军发表讲话的古老历史，以前我还不时对此持怀疑态度呢。

因为常常听他布道，我渐渐能将他新近创作的布道文和曾在旅途中多次传授的布道文轻易辨别开了。因为经过多次重复，他传授后者时演说有了很大改进，每一个重音、每一次强调、每一次声调的变化都拿捏得恰到好处，即使听者对演讲的主题不感兴趣，也忍不住会因演讲本身而倍感愉快，如同听到一首美妙的乐曲一样。比起固定在某地的牧师，这是巡回传教士的优势所在，因为前者无法通过多次演练来提高自己布道演说的水平。

His writing and printing from time to time gave great advantage to his enemies; unguarded expressions, and even erroneous opinions, delivered in preaching, might have been afterwards explain'd or qualifi'd by supposing others that might have accompani'd them, or they might have been deny'd; but litera scripta monet. Critics attack'd his writings violently, and with so much appearance of reason as to diminish the number of his votaries and prevent their encrease; so that I am of opinion if he had never written any thing, he would have left behind him a much more numerous and important sect, and his reputation might in that case have been still growing, even after his death, as there being nothing of his writing on which to found a censure and give him a lower character, his proselytes would be left at liberty to feign for him as great a variety of excellence as their enthusiastic admiration might wish him to have possessed.

My business was now continually augmenting, and my circumstances growing daily easier, my newspaper having become very profitable, as being for a time almost the only one in this and the neighboring provinces. I experienced, too, the truth of the observation, "that after getting the first hundred pound, it is more easy to get the second," money itself being of a prolific nature.

The partnership at Carolina having succeeded, I was encourag'd to engage in others, and to promote several of my workmen, who had behaved well, by establishing them with printing-houses in different colonies, on the same terms with that in Carolina. Most of them did well, being enabled at the end of our term, six years, to purchase the types of me and go on working for themselves, by which means several families were raised. Partnerships often finish in quarrels; but I was happy in this, that mine were all carried on and ended amicably, owing, I think, a good deal to the precaution of having very explicitly settled, in our articles, every thing to be done by or expected from each partner, so that there was nothing to dispute, which precaution I would therefore recommend to all who enter into partnerships; for, whatever esteem partners may have for, and confidence in each other at the time of the contract, little jealousies and disgusts may arise, with ideas of inequality in the care and burden of the business, etc., which are attended often with breach of friendship and of the connection, perhaps with lawsuits and other disagreeable consequences.

怀特菲尔德先生不时地写作并发表文章，让他的敌人有很大可乘之机。布道时轻率的言辞、甚至错误的观点，都能随后加以解释，或是再用别的话作出修正，或是直接加以否认，但白纸黑字却是不会磨灭的。批评者们猛烈抨击他的文章，而且似乎说得很有道理，以使他的信徒人数日渐减少、再无增加。所以我认为，如果他没有写过任何文章的话，他的信徒一定更多，所创的教派一定更加举足轻重，而他的名声也会继续扩大，甚至他离开人世后也会依然如此。因为没有留下什么作品，别人就没有责难和诋毁他的根据，他的皈依者们会热烈地崇拜着他，会尽情想象着他具有种种优良的品质。

这时，我的印刷生意越来越好，境况也日渐宽裕，我办的报纸获利丰厚，因为一段时间内，它几乎是本州及邻州惟一一家报纸。我也体会到了这句话的真理：“赚到第一个100镑后，再赚第二个就容易多了，”因为金钱本身就有着多生的本质。

我在卡罗来纳的合伙取得了成功，于是备受鼓舞，想继续开展其他合伙业务。我提拔了一些表现良好的工人，按卡罗来纳合伙的条件，与他们订立合约，让他们去别的殖民地开印刷所。他们大多数都干得不错，六年合约期满时，已有能力从我这儿买下铅字，独立门户了。好几户人家通过这种方式得以养家糊口，养育子女。合伙关系常以双方争执告终，但我却很高兴地看到，我与他人的合伙直至结束都进行得很顺利。我想，这很大程度上是因为我事先有所防范，在我们的合约中清楚地列出了各方应尽的义务，这样合伙双方对任何事情都毫无异议了。因此，我建议要和别人建立合伙关系的人们都事先做好防范，因为不管合伙双方如何互相尊敬，签订合约时如何互相信赖，日后都有可能心生嫉妒和嫌隙，认为对方在事务的照管和承担上不平等，等等，这常常会使得友谊破裂，往来断绝，或许还要闹出官司及引起其他不良后果。

I had, on the whole, abundant reason to be satisfied with my being established in Pennsylvania. There were, however, two things that I regretted, there being no provision for defense, nor for a compleat education of youth; no militia, nor any college. I therefore, in 1743, drew up a proposal for establishing an academy; and at that time, thinking the Reverend Mr. Peters, who was out of employ, a fit person to superintend such an institution, I communicated the project to him; but he, having more profitable views in the service of the proprietaries, which succeeded, declin'd the undertaking; and, not knowing another at that time suitable for such a trust, I let the scheme lie a while dormant. I succeeded better the next year, 1744, in proposing and establishing a Philosophical Society. The paper I wrote for that purpose will be found among my writings, when collected.

With respect to defense, Spain having been several years at war against Great Britain, and being at length join'd by France, which brought us into great danger; and the labored and long-continued endeavor of our governor, Thomas, to prevail with our Quaker Assembly to pass a militia law, and make other provisions for the security of the province, having proved abortive, I determined to try what might be done by a voluntary association of the people. To promote this, I first wrote and published a pamphlet, entitled PLAIN TRUTH, in which I stated our defenceless situation in strong lights, with the necessity of union and discipline for our defense, and promis'd to propose in a few days an association, to be generally signed for that purpose. The pamphlet had a sudden and surprising effect. I was call'd upon for the instrument of association, and having settled the draft of it with a few friends, I appointed a meeting of the citizens in the large building before mentioned. The house was pretty full; I had prepared a number of printed copies, and provided pens and ink dispers'd all over the room. I harangued them a little on the subject, read the paper, and explained it, and then distributed the copies, which were eagerly signed, not the least objection being made.

When the company separated, and the papers were collected, we found above twelve hundred hands; and, other copies being dispersed in the country, the subscribers amounted at length to upward of ten thousand. These all furnished themselves as soon as they could with arms, formed themselves into companies and regiments, chose their own officers, and met every week to be instructed in the manual exercise, and other parts of military discipline. The women, by subscriptions among themselves, provided silk colors, which they presented to the companies, painted with different devices and mottos, which I supplied.

总体来说，我有充足的理由对自己在宾夕法尼亚的立业感到满意。然而，有两件事却让我遗憾不已，一是这里没有防卫的准备，二是没有一所完整的教育年轻人的学府。这里没有军队，也没有大学。因此，在1743年时我提出了建立一所高校的议案，当时彼得斯牧师正好没有工作，我认为他是管理这样一个机构的合适人选，就把这个计划告诉了他。但是他认为为领主们服务更能赚钱，后来也谋得了这样一个职位，当时就婉拒了这个工作。我那时并不认识其他可以托付此事的人，于是把这个计划暂时搁置了。第二年，也就是1744年，我提出并成功创办了一所哲学学会。我为此所写的文章可在我以后出版的文集里找到。

至于防卫事务，当时西班牙已与英国交战数年，后来法国也加入了西班牙的阵线，使我们陷入了极度危险的境地。我们的总督托马斯不断竭力劝说以贵格会为主导的议会通过民兵法，并采取其他措施保卫本州安全，结果都以失败告终。我决定尝试招募志愿部队用于防卫。为促进此事，我先撰写并发行了一本小册子，叫做《明显的事实》。在小册子里，我强调了我们当前缺乏防卫的状态，指出我们需要征集并训练军队用以防卫。我还保证在数天内提议组织一个团体，广泛征人签名加入。这本小册子意外地产生了惊人效果。人们向我索取加入这个团体的文书，我就和几个朋友一块儿草拟了一份，并在前面提过的会堂里召开了一次市民大会。当时会堂里挤满了人，我印了很多申请书，并把笔和墨水传到会堂各处供人们使用。我就防卫问题作了个简短演说，又把申请书朗读了一遍并作了解释，然后把申请书分发下去。人们踊跃在申请书上签名，没有人提出任何反对意见。

散会之后，我们把申请书收集起来，签名的人超过1,200名。当时还有申请书被发到了本州各地，最终签名的人数达一万以上。他们立即准备武器，自行编成连队和团队，选出指挥官，每周集会一次进行武器操练或是其他军事训练。妇女们集资购买了丝制彩旗，送给各个连队，上面印有我提供的各类图案和格言。

The officers of the companies composing the Philadelphia regiment, being met, chose me for their colonel; but, conceiving myself unfit, I declin'd that station, and recommended Mr. Lawrence, a fine person, and man of influence, who was accordingly appointed. I then propos'd a lottery to defray the expense of building a battery below the town, and furnishing it with cannon. It filled expeditiously, and the battery was soon erected, the merlons being fram'd of logs and fill'd with earth. We bought some old cannon from Boston, but, these not being sufficient, we wrote to England for more, soliciting, at the same time, our proprietaries for some assistance, tho' without much expectation of obtaining it.

Meanwhile, Colonel Lawrence, William Allen, Abram Taylor, Esqr., and myself were sent to New York by the associators, commission'd to borrow some cannon of Governor Clinton. He at first refus'd us peremptorily; but at dinner with his council, where there was great drinking of Madeira wine, as the custom of that place then was, he softened by degrees, and said he would lend us six. After a few more bumpers he advanc'd to ten; and at length he very good-naturedly conceded eighteen. They were fine cannon, eighteen-pounders, with their carriages, which we soon transported and mounted on our battery, where the associators kept a nightly guard while the war lasted, and among the rest I regularly took my turn of duty there as a common soldier.

My activity in these operations was agreeable to the governor and council; they took me into confidence, and I was consulted by them in every measure wherein their concurrence was thought useful to the association. Calling in the aid of religion, I propos'd to them the proclaiming a fast, to promote reformation, and implore the blessing of Heaven on our undertaking. They embrac'd the motion; but, as it was the first fast ever thought of in the province, the secretary had no precedent from which to draw the proclamation. My education in New England, where a fast is proclaimed every year, was here of some advantage: I drew it in the accustomed stile, it was translated into German, printed in both languages, and divulg'd thro' the province. This gave the clergy of the different sects an opportunity of influencing their congregations to join in the association, and it would probably have been general among all but Quakers if the peace had not soon interven'd.

组成费城防卫队的各连队的指挥官们选我担任他们的团长，但我认为自己不适合，谢绝了这个职位，并向他们推荐了劳伦斯先生。他人品很好，很有影响力，于是他们就任命他为团长。我提议发行奖券，用于支付在费城南面修建炮台、装备大炮的费用。资金很快筹集齐了，炮台也很快建成，炮眼用圆木构成，中间填了泥土。我们从波士顿买了一些旧大炮，但还不够，于是又写信到英国订购，同时请我们的领主给予帮助，不过我们对此并没抱多大希望。

与此同时，团队派劳伦斯上校、威廉·艾伦、艾布拉姆·泰勒和我去纽约向克林顿总督借几门大炮。起初他不容分说地拒绝了我们，但是和他的参事会成员们一块儿吃饭时，根据当时当地的习惯，他们喝了很多马德拉酒，于是他的态度渐渐有些软化，说可以借给我们六尊大炮。再喝了几杯后，他说可以借10尊。最终，他爽快地答应借给我们18尊。这些大炮十分精良，能发射18磅的炮弹，还配有炮架。我们很快把大炮运了回来，装在炮台上。战争期间，团队每夜都派人站岗看护大炮，我也和其他普通士兵一样轮流执行站岗的任务。

我在这些事务中的活跃表现颇得总督和参事会欣赏。他们对我推心置腹，对于任何措施都会询问我是否对防卫队有益。为了获得宗教界的支持，我向他们提议宣布斋戒，以促进团队改革，并祈求上天赐福于我们的事业。他们接受了我的提议，但因为这是本州第一次斋戒，没有先例可以援引，州秘书不知如何起草公告。我以前是在新英格兰上学，那里每年宣布一次斋戒，我的经验在这儿就派上了些用场：我按约定俗成的格式起草了一份公告，他们把它译成德语，用两种语言在全州印发。这使得不同教派的牧师们可以借此机会鼓励教众加入防卫队。若不是战争很快结束的话，很可能除了贵格会的所有教派都会踊跃参加。

It was thought by some of my friends that, by my activity in these affairs, I should offend that sect, and thereby lose my interest in the Assembly of the province, where they formed a great majority. A young gentleman who had likewise some friends in the House, and wished to succeed me as their clerk, acquainted me that it was decided to displace me at the next election; and he, therefore, in good will, advis'd me to resign, as more consistent with my honour than being turn'd out. My answer to him was, that I had read or heard of some public man who made it a rule never to ask for an office, and never to refuse one when offer'd to him. "I approve," says I, "of his rule, and will practice it with a small addition; I shall never ask, never refuse, nor ever resign an office. If they will have my office of clerk to dispose of to another, they shall take it from me. I will not, by giving it up, lose my right of some time or other making reprisals on my adversaries." I heard, however, no more of this; I was chosen again unanimously as usual at the next election. Possibly, as they dislik'd my late intimacy with the members of council, who had join'd the governors in all the disputes about military preparations, with which the House had long been harass'd, they might have been pleas'd if I would voluntarily have left them; but they did not care to displace me on account merely of my zeal for the association, and they could not well give another reason.

Indeed I had some cause to believe that the defense of the country was not disagreeable to any of them, provided they were not requir'd to assist in it. And I found that a much greater number of them than I could have imagined, tho' against offensive war, were clearly for the defensive. Many pamphlets pro and con were publish'd on the subject, and some by good Quakers, in favor of defense, which I believe convinc'd most of their younger people.

我有些朋友认为，我积极参与这些事务会冒犯贵格会，而且会因此在以贵格会为主导的州议会中失势。有位年轻绅士在州议会里有些朋友，希望取代我成为州议会秘书。他告诉我议会已经决定在下次选举时把我撤换下去，因此他出于好心，建议我主动辞职，因为与被人解雇相比，这样更能保存我的颜面。我回答他说，我曾读过或听过某位公众人物的原则：绝不主动谋求职位，但也不拒绝别人提供的工作。我说：“我十分赞同他的原则，但实行起来还有一点增加，那就是我绝不谋求或拒绝工作，更不会主动辞职。如果他们希望由他人来做我现在的秘书工作，可以免去我的职位。但我不会主动辞职，从而失去适时报复我的对手的权利。”但是此后我再也没听到此事了。待到下次选举，我同往常一样一致通过地当选了。也许他们不喜欢我与参事会成员过从甚密，因为他们在军事准备问题的争论上总站在总督们一边，使州议会倍受其扰。如果我能主动减少和他们的往来，州议会的贵格会议员也许会十分高兴，但他们还不至于仅仅因为我热心于防卫队的事情就把我免职，而除此之外他们又找不到其他理由。

的确，我有理由相信，只要不要求他们给予援助，他们谁也不会反对加强防卫的事情。我还发现，他们中很多人尽管反对侵略性战争，但很明显是支持自我防御的，这类人比我想象的要多得多。赞成和反对双方就这一问题撰写并发表了许多小册子，有些赞成防御的小册子是由优秀的贵格会成员所写，我相信这些文章说服了大多数年轻的贵格会成员。

A transaction in our fire company gave me some insight into their prevailing sentiments. It had been propos'd that we should encourage the scheme for building a battery by laying out the present stock, then about sixty pounds, in tickets of the lottery. By our rules, no money could be dispos'd of till the next meeting after the proposal. The company consisted of thirty members, of which twenty-two were Quakers, and eight only of other persuasions. We eight punctually attended the meeting; but, tho' we thought that some of the Quakers would join us, we were by no means sure of a majority. Only one Quaker, Mr. James Morris, appear'd to oppose the measure. He expressed much sorrow that it had ever been propos'd, as he said Friends were all against it, and it would create such discord as might break up the company. We told him that we saw no reason for that; we were the minority, and if Friends were against the measure, and outvoted us, we must and should, agreeably to the usage of all societies, submit. When the hour for business arriv'd it was mov'd to put the vote; he allow'd we might then do it by the rules, but, as he could assure us that a number of members intended to be present for the purpose of opposing it, it would be but candid to allow a little time for their appearing.

While we were disputing this, a waiter came to tell me two gentlemen below desir'd to speak with me. I went down, and found they were two of our Quaker members. They told me there were eight of them assembled at a tavern just by; that they were determin'd to come and vote with us if there should be occasion, which they hop'd would not be the case, and desir'd we would not call for their assistance if we could do without it, as their voting for such a measure might embroil them with their elders and friends. Being thus secure of a majority, I went up, and after a little seeming hesitation, agreed to a delay of another hour. This Mr. Morris allow'd to be extreamly fair. Not one of his opposing friends appear'd, at which he express'd great surprize; and, at the expiration of the hour, we carry'd the resolution eight to one; and as, of the twenty-two Quakers, eight were ready to vote with us, and thirteen, by their absence, manifested that they were not inclin'd to oppose the measure, I afterward estimated the proportion of Quakers sincerely against defense as one to twenty-one only; for these were all regular members of that society, and in good reputation among them, and had due notice of what was propos'd at that meeting.

我们消防队里发生了一件事，使我对他们的普遍想法有了深入了解。当时有人提出，为了支持修建炮台的计划，我们应把消防队的约60镑资金拿出来购买奖券。根据我们的规定，如果需要动用资金，须在建议提出后的下一次会议上进行表决。消防队有30名成员，其中22名是贵格会成员，只有8人属于其他教派。我们8人准时参加了会议，尽管我们认为有几位贵格会会员会站在我们一边，但对能否得到多数支持还是毫无把握。只有一位贵格会会员反对这项提案，他就是詹姆斯·莫里斯先生。他对有人提出这样的提案深表痛心，说所有贵格会会员都对其表示反对，这种提案会造成诸多不和，可能导致消防队解散。我们告诉他这种担忧并无理由，我们只占少数，如果贵格会会员反对这项提案并且在投票表决时票数超过我们，根据所有社团的一般做法，我们必须也应当服从多数。讨论这项提案到了投票表决的时间，他承认按照规定我们当时可以进行投票，但是他肯定地说许多会员原本打算前来投下反对票的，所以我们得等他们一会儿才算公正。

我们正在争论时，一个侍者过来告诉我说下面有两位绅士想找我谈话。我下了楼，发现那是我们消防队的两位贵格会队员。他们告诉我他们有8个人聚在附近一家酒馆里，如果需要的话他们坚决会来为我们投赞成票，但如果没有他们的协助我们也能办到的话，他们不希望出席。因为如果为这个提案投赞成票，可能会引起他们的长辈和朋友的不满。在有把握能获得多数的选票后，我回到了楼上，假装犹豫了一阵后，同意将投票再推迟一个小时。这才让莫里斯先生认为公平。但他那些要投反对票的朋友一个也没出现，这让他大为惊讶。一个小时的时间到了，我们八比一通过了提案。在22位贵格会成员中，有8人打算为我们投票，13人没有出席，表示他们不反对这项提案，我事后估算了一下，真正反对加强防卫与不反对的贵格会成员之比为1∶21，因为他们都是贵格会的忠实信徒，声誉良好，对于会议上的提案也有适当关注。

The honorable and learned Mr. Logan, who had always been of that sect, was one who wrote an address to them, declaring his approbation of defensive war, and supporting his opinion by many strong arguments. He put into my hands sixty pounds to be laid out in lottery tickets for the battery, with directions to apply what prizes might be drawn wholly to that service. He told me the following anecdote of his old master, William Penn, respecting defense. He came over from England, when a young man, with that proprietary, and as his secretary. It was war-time, and their ship was chas'd by an armed vessel, suppos'd to be an enemy. Their captain prepar'd for defense; but told William Penn and his company of Quakers, that he did not expect their assistance, and they might retire into the cabin, which they did, except James Logan, who chose to stay upon deck, and was quarter'd to a gun. The suppos'd enemy prov'd a friend, so there was no fighting; but when the secretary went down to communicate the intelligence, William Penn rebuk'd him severely for staying upon deck, and undertaking to assist in defending the vessel, contrary to the principles of Friends, especially as it had not been required by the captain. This reproof, being before all the company, piqu'd the secretary, who answer'd, "I being thy servant, why did thee not order me to come down? But thee was willing enough that I should stay and help to fight the ship when thee thought there was danger."

My being many years in the Assembly, the majority of which were constantly Quakers, gave me frequent opportunities of seeing the embarrassment given them by their principle against war, whenever application was made to them, by order of the crown, to grant aids for military purposes. They were unwilling to offend government, on the one hand, by a direct refusal; and their friends, the body of the Quakers, on the other, by a compliance contrary to their principles; hence a variety of evasions to avoid complying, and modes of disguising the compliance when it became unavoidable. The common mode at last was, to grant money under the phrase of its being "for the king's use," and never to inquire how it was applied.

受人尊敬、学识渊博的罗根先生一直是贵格会信徒，他给其他信徒写了一篇文章，宣布他支持防御性战争，还列举了很多有力论据支持他的观点。他交给我60镑，用于购买奖券修建炮台，还说如若中奖，奖金也全作修炮台之用。罗根先生还告诉我他以前的领主威廉·佩恩的关于防卫的一桩轶事。罗根年轻时作为秘书跟随领主从英格兰来到这里。当时正值战争时期，他们的船被一艘军舰追逐，他们以为那是一艘敌船。他们的船长准备自我防卫，但告诉威廉·佩恩和他的贵格会同伴说不希望他们提供帮助，他们可以回到船舱里去。于是他们就回到了船舱，但詹姆斯·罗根没有，他选择留在甲板上，船长就命令他去看守一门大炮。他们所认为的敌船原来是自己一方的，结果没有发生战事。但当这位秘书下到船舱里报告消息时，威廉·佩恩却狠狠地责骂他不该留在甲板上，违反了贵格会教规去参加自卫工作，尤其是船长并未要求他这样做。佩恩是当着所有人的面责骂这位秘书的，这让他恼怒不已，于是他答道：“我是您的仆人，为什么您不命令我下来呢？您觉得情况危急的时候，倒是很愿意我留在甲板上帮他们反击那艘船。”

州议会议员一向以贵格会信徒居多，我在州议会任职多年，曾多次见到他们因国王命令他们通过军事补助议案而感到左右为难，因为贵格会是秉持反战原则的。他们一方面不愿直接反对议案从而得罪政府，另一方面，他们又不愿违反教义而触怒朋友，即贵格会的大多数人。因此，他们想出各种借口进行推托，实在推不掉了，就想法掩饰。最后，他们的常用方法是在“供国王使用”的名义下通过拨款审批，却从不询问钱款具体如何使用。

But, if the demand was not directly from the crown, that phrase was found not so proper, and some other was to be invented. As, when powder was wanting (I think it was for the garrison at Louisburg), and the government of New England solicited a grant of some from Pennsilvania, which was much urg'd on the House by Governor Thomas, they could not grant money to buy powder, because that was an ingredient of war; but they voted an aid to New England of three thousand pounds, to be put into the hands of the governor, and appropriated it for the purchasing of bread, flour, wheat, or other grain. Some of the council, desirous of giving the House still further embarrassment, advis'd the governor not to accept provision, as not being the thing he had demanded; but be reply'd, "I shall take the money, for I understand very well their meaning; other grain is gunpowder," which he accordingly bought, and they never objected to it.

It was in allusion to this fact that, when in our fire company we feared the success of our proposal in favor of the lottery, and I had said to my friend Mr. Syng, one of our members, "If we fail, let us move the purchase of a fire-engine with the money; the Quakers can have no objection to that; and then, if you nominate me and I you as a committee for that purpose, we will buy a great gun, which is certainly a fire-engine." "I see," says he, "you have improv'd by being so long in the Assembly; your equivocal project would be just a match for their wheat or other grain.

但是，如果资金需求不是直接来自国王，那种说法就不太合适了，他们就会想出别的说辞来。例如，新英格兰政府因缺乏火药（我想是为了防守路易堡）而请求宾夕法尼亚拨给一些，托马斯总督也大力劝说州议会予以批准，但他们却不能拨款去购买火药，因为火药是战争的一大要素。于是他们投票同意拨款3,000镑用于援助新英格兰，把钱款交给总督，用于购买面包、面粉、小麦或其他粮食。参事会的有些成员想给议会添更多麻烦，建议总督不要接受这笔钱，因为这不符合他的要求，但总督答道：“我要接受这笔钱，因为我很明白他们的意思，其他粮食就是火药。”于是他购买了火药，议会也没有反对。

在我们消防队里，当我们害怕购买奖券的提案无法获得通过时，我就会想到这件事，我对我的朋友辛格先生（也是消防队的队员之一）说：“如果我们的提案没有通过，那么我们就提议用这笔钱来购买消防车吧，贵格会信徒不会反对这件事的。然后我们互相提名，组成一个采购委员会，再去买一尊大炮，大炮显然也属于火器呀。”“我明白了，”他说，“原来在州议会里呆了那么久，你也有进步了。你这双关的计划简直可与他们的‘小麦或其他粮食'相媲美了。”

These embarrassments that the Quakers suffer'd from having establish'd and published it as one of their principles that no kind of war was lawful, and which, being once published, they could not afterwards, however they might change their minds, easily get rid of, reminds me of what I think a more prudent conduct in another sect among us, that of the Dunkers[1]. I was acquainted with one of its founders, Michael Welfare, soon after it appear'd. He complain'd to me that they were grievously calumniated by the zealots of other persuasions, and charg'd with abominable principles and practices, to which they were utter strangers. I told him this had always been the case with new sects, and that, to put a stop to such abuse, I imagin'd it might be well to publish the articles of their belief, and the rules of their discipline. He said that it had been propos'd among them, but not agreed to, for this reason: "When we were first drawn together as a society," says he, "it had pleased God to enlighten our minds so far as to see that some doctrines, which we once esteemed truths, were errors; and that others, which we had esteemed errors, were real truths. From time to time He has been pleased to afford us farther light, and our principles have been improving, and our errors diminishing. Now we are not sure that we are arrived at the end of this progression, and at the perfection of spiritual or theological knowledge; and we fear that, if we should once print our confession of faith, we should feel ourselves as if bound and confin'd by it, and perhaps be unwilling to receive farther improvement, and our successors still more so, as conceiving what we their elders and founders had done, to be something sacred, never to be departed from."

This modesty in a sect is perhaps a singular instance in the history of mankind, every other sect supposing itself in possession of all truth, and that those who differ are so far in the wrong; like a man traveling in foggy weather, those at some distance before him on the road he sees wrapped up in the fog, as well as those behind him, and also the people in the fields on each side, but near him all appears clear, tho' in truth he is as much in the fog as any of them. To avoid this kind of embarrassment, the Quakers have of late years been gradually declining the public service in the Assembly and in the magistracy, choosing rather to quit their power than their principle.

贵格会信徒把“一切战争皆为非法”确立并公开宣布为他们的教义之一，尽管他们后来可能想予以修正，但一经公开宣布，就不能轻易改变了，他们常因此陷入一些两难局面。这让我想起我们中间言行更为谨慎的另一个教派，即德国浸礼会。这个教派成立不久，我就认识了它的创始人之一迈克尔·威尔菲尔。他向我抱怨说他们受到其他教派狂热分子的严重诽谤，抨击他们有一些恶劣的教义和行为，而其实他们是完全没有的。我告诉他，对于新成立的教派来说，这是常有的事儿，要想阻止这种诽谤，我想最好是公布他们的教义及教规。他说他们教徒中有人提过这个建议，但是没有达成一致，是因为：“我们最初成立这个教派时，上帝欣慰地让我们看到，我们曾经奉为真理的某些信条实为谬误，而我们以为错误的却是真理。时不时地上帝乐于赋予我们更多光明，使我们的信条不断改进，谬误不断减少。现在我们不确定是否已达到这一进程的终点，精神层面或神学方面的知识是否已臻于至善；我们担心，如果将自己的教义刊印出来，我们将受其桎梏，也许就不愿继续进步，而我们的后来者则会有过之而无不及，将他们的先辈和创始者所做的一切视作是神圣的，是绝对不能背离的。”

一个教派如此谦逊，这在人类历史上恐怕绝无仅有，所有其他教派都认为自己拥有一切真理，与他们见解不同的教派都是错误的；这就像一个人在大雾天行路，走在他前面有些距离的那些人在他看来裹于浓雾当中，走在他身后及两边田野里的人也是一样，但他近处的人看起来都很清晰，尽管事实上，他和其他人一样也是在雾中行走的。为了避免陷入这样的两难局面，近年来贵格会信徒渐渐淡出议会和政府，在权力和信条面前宁愿选择放弃前者。

In order of time, I should have mentioned before, that having, in 1742, invented an open stove for the better warming of rooms, and at the same time saving fuel, as the fresh air admitted was warmed in entering, I made a present of the model to Mr. Robert Grace, one of my early friends, who, having an iron-furnace, found the casting of the plates for these stoves a profitable thing, as they were growing in demand. To promote that demand, I wrote and published a pamphlet, entitled "An Account of the new-invented Pennsylvania Fireplaces; wherein their Construction and Manner of Operation is particularly explained; their Advantages above every other Method of warming Rooms demonstrated; and all Objections that have been raised against the Use of them answered and obviated," etc. This pamphlet had a good effect. Gov'r. Thomas was so pleas'd with the construction of this stove, as described in it, that he offered to give me a patent for the sole vending of them for a term of years; but I declin'd it from a principle which has ever weighed with me on such occasions, viz., That, as we enjoy great advantages from the inventions of others, we should be glad of an opportunity to serve others by any invention of ours; and this we should do freely and generously.

An ironmonger in London however, assuming a good deal of my pamphlet, and working it up into his own, and making some small changes in the machine, which rather hurt its operation, got a patent for it there, and made, as I was told, a little fortune by it. And this is not the only instance of patents taken out for my inventions by others, tho' not always with the same success, which I never contested, as having no desire of profiting by patents myself, and hating disputes. The use of these fireplaces in very many houses, both of this and the neighboring colonies, has been, and is, a great saving of wood to the inhabitants.

Peace being concluded, and the association business therefore at an end, I turn'd my thoughts again to the affair of establishing an academy. The first step I took was to associate in the design a number of active friends, of whom the Junto furnished a good part; the next was to write and publish a pamphlet, entitled Proposals Relating to the Education of Youth in Pennsylvania. This I distributed among the principal inhabitants gratis; and as soon as I could suppose their minds a little prepared by the perusal of it, I set on foot a subscription for opening and supporting an academy; it was to be paid in quotas yearly for five years; by so dividing it, I judg'd the subscription might be larger, and I believe it was so, amounting to no less, if I remember right, than five thousand pounds.

如果按照时间顺序，我在前面就应提到过，1742年我发明了一种“开放式火炉”以改善房间供暖，同时还能节省燃料，因为新鲜空气一进入火炉便被加热了。我制作了一个火炉的模型，作为礼物送给我早年认识的一位朋友罗伯特·格雷斯先生。他有家炼铁厂，因为当时火炉的需求量渐增，他发现为这些火炉铸造铁板是有利可图的。为了进一步打开销路，我撰写并发行了一本小册子，名叫《新发明的宾夕法尼亚壁炉说明：详细解释其构造和操作方法，展示其较之其他取暖方式的优点，回应并消除与其使用有关的所有异议》。这本小册子收到了很好的效果，托马斯总督对其中描述的火炉构造非常满意，还提出要授予我一定年限的专卖权，但我婉拒了，因为这种情况下我一直秉持这样的原则：我们享受着他人发明带来的巨大好处，就应乐于有机会用自己的发明服务他人，而且这种服务应当是无偿的、慷慨的。

但伦敦的一个铁器商从我的小册子中窃取了大量信息，铸造了一个自己的火炉，对我的发明做了一些小改动，让火炉的效用大为减弱。我听说他在伦敦获得了火炉的专利，并借此发了一笔小财。我的发明被他人利用取得专利并非仅此一次，尽管并不是人人都能获得同样的成功。我从不与他们争执此事，因为我并不想通过取得专利而获利，而且也讨厌争吵。本州及邻州许多家庭都使用这种火炉，这为居民们节省了大量柴火。

战争结束了，于是防卫队的事务告一段落，我的心思再次转到建立一所学院上来。我的第一步行动是联系许多积极热心的朋友参与我的计划，其中大部分都是学习社成员；第二步是撰写并刊发了一本小册子，名叫《有关宾夕法尼亚青年教育的建议》。我把小册子免费赠给居民中的重要人士，等他们通过阅读小册子对此稍有思想准备之后，我就开始募捐，用于建立一家学院并维持其运营。捐款以五年为期，每年支付一定数额，我认为这样实行分期支付可能会使捐款额大一些。我相信，如果没记错的话，捐款额不下5,000镑。

In the introduction to these proposals, I stated their publication, not as an act of mine, but of some publick-spirited gentlemen, avoiding as much as I could, according to my usual rule, the presenting myself to the publick as the author of any scheme for their benefit.

The subscribers, to carry the project into immediate execution, chose out of their number twenty-four trustees, and appointed Mr. Francis, then attorney-general, and myself to draw up constitutions for the government of the academy; which being done and signed, a house was hired, masters engag'd, and the schools opened, I think, in the same year, 1749.

The scholars increasing fast, the house was soon found too small, and we were looking out for a piece of ground, properly situated, with intention to build, when Providence threw into our way a large house ready built, which, with a few alterations, might well serve our purpose. This was the building before mentioned, erected by the hearers of Mr. Whitefield, and was obtained for us in the following manner.

It is to be noted that the contributions to this building being made by people of different sects, care was taken in the nomination of trustees, in whom the building and ground was to be vested, that a predominancy should not be given to any sect, lest in time that predominancy might be a means of appropriating the whole to the use of such sect, contrary to the original intention. It was therefore that one of each sect was appointed, viz., one Church-of-England[2] man, one Presbyterian[3], one Baptist[4], one Moravian[5], etc., those, in case of vacancy by death, were to fill it by election from among the contributors. The Moravian happen'd not to please his colleagues, and on his death they resolved to have no other of that sect. The difficulty then was, how to avoid having two of some other sect, by means of the new choice.

在这篇建议的序言中，我把建议的提出归功于一些具有公益精神的绅士们，而非我自己。秉承我的一贯原则，我尽力避免在公众面前以公益计划发起人的形象展现。

为使计划立即执行，捐款人从他们中间推选出24名理事，并指定当时任检察长的弗朗西斯先生和我为学院起草管理章程。章程拟定并签署后，我们租了一套房屋，聘请了老师，这样学校就开学了，我记得那同样是在1749年。

学生人数迅速增加，那套房子很快就装不下了，于是我们开始物色一块位置合适的地皮，打算兴建校舍。这时承蒙上帝眷顾，有幢大房屋刚好建成，只要稍加几处改动，我们就能使用。这就是前面提过的由怀特菲尔德先生的听众修建的会堂，我们通过如下方式得到了它。

应该注意的是，这座会堂是由不同教派的信徒共同出资建造的，因此在任命负责照管会堂建筑和地皮的理事时，任何教派都不能占据支配地位，以免将来该教派利用这种支配地位将其留为己用，这就与其本意背道而驰了。因此，每个教派均指定一人担任理事，即：一位英国国教教徒、一位长老会教友、一位浸信会教友、一位摩拉维亚教会教徒等等。如果他们去世使得职位空缺，则从会堂捐助者中选举填补。那位摩拉维亚教徒恰好与同事不和，他去世以后，他们决定不再从摩拉维亚教派中选举理事。那么选举新理事时，如何避免一个教派中有两个理事就成了问题。

Several persons were named, and for that reason not agreed to. At length one mention'd me, with the observation that I was merely an honest man, and of no sect at all, which prevail'd with them to chuse me. The enthusiasm which existed when the house was built had long since abated, and its trustees had not been able to procure fresh contributions for paying the ground-rent, and discharging some other debts the building had occasion'd, which embarrass'd them greatly. Being now a member of both sets of trustees, that for the building and that for the Academy, I had a good opportunity of negotiating with both, and brought them finally to an agreement, by which the trustees for the building were to cede it to those of the academy, the latter undertaking to discharge the debt, to keep for ever open in the building a large hall for occasional preachers, according to the original intention, and maintain a free school for the instruction of poor children. Writings were accordingly drawn, and on paying the debts the trustees of the academy were put in possession of the premises; and by dividing the great and lofty hall into stories, and different rooms above and below for the several schools, and purchasing some additional ground, the whole was soon made fit for our purpose, and the scholars remov'd into the building. The care and trouble of agreeing with the workmen, purchasing materials, and superintending the work, fell upon me; and I went thro' it the more cheerfully, as it did not then interfere with my private business, having the year before taken a very able, industrious, and honest partner, Mr. David Hall, with whose character I was well acquainted, as he had work'd for me four years. He took off my hands all care of the printing-office, paying me punctually my share of the profits. This partnership continued eighteen years, successfully for us both.

有几个人被提名了，但因上述原因未能通过。后来有人提名我，他认为我为人诚实，不信仰任何教派，于是他们一致同意选我。修建会堂时的激情早已退却，理事们无法获得新的捐款以支付地租和清偿会堂修建时欠下的债务，从而陷入了极大困窘之中。这时我已是会堂保管和学院这两个理事会的理事，有很好的机会与两方协商，使双方最终达成了协议。根据这项协议，会堂保管理事会的理事们将会堂转让给学院理事会，后者则承担清偿债务的责任，并根据修建会堂的本意，将会堂的一间大厅永久开放以满足布道者的临时布道之需，同时要为穷人子弟开办一所免费学校。双方就此订立了合同，学院理事会的理事们付清了债务之后，会堂建筑和地皮就归他们所有了。他们把雄伟高大的会堂分为几层，上下又分为几个房间作为教室，还另购置了一些地，很快就把一切安排得符合我们的需要，让学生们搬进了会堂。与工人们签订合同、采购物资、监督工程的责任都由我承担，但整个过程我都非常愉快，因为这些责任并未妨碍我的私人事务，一年前我和一位非常能干、勤劳、诚实的大卫·霍尔先生合伙，他的性格我非常了解，因为他已为我工作四年了。他为我承担了印刷所的一切工作，按时将我的利润份额付给我。我们的合伙关系持续了18年，对双方来说都非常成功。

The trustees of the academy, after a while, were incorporated by a charter from the governor; their funds were increas'd by contributions in Britain and grants of land from the proprietaries, to which the Assembly has since made considerable addition; and thus was established the present University of Philadelphia. I have been continued one of its trustees from the beginning, now near forty years, and have had the very great pleasure of seeing a number of the youth who have receiv'd their education in it, distinguish'd by their improv'd abilities, serviceable in public stations and ornaments to their country.

When I disengaged myself, as above mentioned, from private business, I flatter'd myself that, by the sufficient tho' moderate fortune I had acquir'd, I had secured leisure during the rest of my life for philosophical studies and amusements. I purchased all Dr. Spence's apparatus, who had come from England to lecture here, and I proceeded in my electrical experiments with great alacrity; but the publick, now considering me as a man of leisure, laid hold of me for their purposes, every part of our civil government, and almost at the same time, imposing some duty upon me. The governor put me into the commission of the peace; the corporation of the city chose me of the common council, and soon after an alderman; and the citizens at large chose me a burgess to represent them in Assembly. This latter station was the more agreeable to me, as I was at length tired with sitting there to hear debates, in which, as clerk, I could take no part, and which were often so unentertaining that I was induc'd to amuse myself with making magic squares or circles, or any thing to avoid weariness; and I conceiv'd my becoming a member would enlarge my power of doing good. I would not, however, insinuate that my ambition was not flatter'd by all these promotions; it certainly was; for, considering my low beginning, they were great things to me; and they were still more pleasing, as being so many spontaneous testimonies of the public good opinion, and by me entirely unsolicited.

一段时间后，学院委员会的理事们得到总督颁发的执照，批准学校成立，委员会的资金也有所增加，因为有来自英国的捐款，还有领主们提供的土地，州议会也拨了许多款；费城大学就在这样的基础上建立了。我从一开始就继续担任其理事的职务，至今已近40年。看到大批青年在此接受教育，增长才干并脱颖而出，为社会机构服务，为国家增光添彩，我感到非常欣慰。

当我如上所述不再管理我的私人事务时，我颇为自得地看到自己已积累下虽不丰厚但已足够的财产，余生能有闲暇从事哲学研究和自娱自乐了。我购买了斯宾士博士的所有仪器，他是从英格兰来到这里讲学的。我兴致盎然地进行着我的电气实验，但这时公众认为我是个闲人了，于是差我为他们办事。我们政府的每个部门几乎同时都给我派了任务，总督让我担任治安委员会委员，市政当局选我为市参事会成员，不久又推我为市政委员会委员，市民们也选我为议员作为他们在州议会的代表。州议员这个职位让我比较满意，因为我已厌倦透了在担任州议会秘书时坐在那里旁听我当时不能参加的辩论，而这些辩论又常常索然无味，于是我只得通过解魔方阵或魔圈或其他东西自娱自乐，消解烦闷。我认为，成为一名议员将赋予我更多权力用于行善。但我不会假惺惺地说这些升迁没有给我带来成就感，当然我是有成就感的，因为考虑到我出身卑微，能获得此种地位实属难得；而尤其这些职位代表着公众对我的很高评价，它们是自发产生的，而非我谋营所得，这就让我更为高兴了。

The office of justice of the peace I try'd a little, by attending a few courts, and sitting on the bench to hear causes; but finding that more knowledge of the common law than I possess'd was necessary to act in that station with credit, I gradually withdrew from it, excusing myself by my being oblig'd to attend the higher duties of a legislator in the Assembly. My election to this trust was repeated every year for ten years, without my ever asking any elector for his vote, or signifying, either directly or indirectly, any desire of being chosen. On taking my seat in the House, my son was appointed their clerk.

治安法官的职务我担任了一段时间。我出席了几次庭审，坐在法官席上听诉讼，但我发现我的普通法知识并不足以使我胜任这一职位，于是借口说不得不在州议会里担任议员这一更为重要的职务，渐渐退出了。我每年都当选为州议员，连续10年之久，我从未请选民们投票给我，也从未直接或间接表示希望能够当选。我当州议员后，我的儿子被指定为州议会秘书。

The year following, a treaty being to be held with the Indians at Carlisle, the governor sent a message to the House, proposing that they should nominate some of their members, to be join'd with some members of council, as commissioners for that purpose. The House named the speaker (Mr. Norris) and myself; and, being commission'd, we went to Carlisle, and met the Indians accordingly.

As those people are extreamly apt to get drunk, and, when so, are very quarrelsome and disorderly, we strictly forbad the selling any liquor to them; and when they complain'd of this restriction, we told them that if they would continue sober during the treaty, we would give them plenty of rum when business was over. They promis'd this, and they kept their promise, because they could get no liquor, and the treaty was conducted very orderly, and concluded to mutual satisfaction. They then claim'd and receiv'd the rum; this was in the afternoon; they were near one hundred men, women, and children, and were lodg'd in temporary cabins, built in the form of a square, just without the town. In the evening, hearing a great noise among them, the commissioners walk'd out to see what was the matter. We found they had made a great bonfire in the middle of the square; they were all drunk, men and women, quarreling and fighting. Their dark-colour'd bodies, half naked, seen only by the gloomy light of the bonfire, running after and beating one another with firebrands, accompanied by their horrid yellings, form'd a scene the most resembling our ideas of hell that could well be imagin'd; there was no appeasing the tumult, and we retired to our lodging. At midnight a number of them came thundering at our door, demanding more rum, of which we took no notice.

第二年，我们将和印第安人在卡莱尔缔结条约。总督给州议会来函，提议他们指定几位议员，和几位参事会成员一起担任专员处理此事。议会指定了议长（诺里斯先生）和我，我们就奉命去了卡莱尔，与印第安人会面。

因为印第安人极好喝酒，酒醉后还吵吵闹闹，没规没矩，所以我们严格禁止向印第安人出售任何酒类。他们为此表示不满，于是我们告诉他们，如果他们能在订约期间保持清醒，事情办完后我们可以给他们许多朗姆酒。他们答应了，也信守了承诺，因为他们什么酒也买不到，于是我们很顺利地缔结了条约，双方都非常满意。他们随后向我们要酒，我们把酒给了他们，这是那天下午的事。他们共有近100人，男女老少都住在城外的临时小木屋里，木屋围起一个方形广场。晚上的时候，听到他们那边十分嘈杂，几位专员就出去看发生了什么事。我们发现他们在广场的中央燃起了一大簇篝火，男女全都喝得醉醺醺的，还相互争吵、打架。他们暗黑的肤色和半裸的身体只能在篝火那暗淡的光亮下依稀可见，他们还举着火把相互追逐、殴打，伴随着可怖的尖叫声，此番情景像极了我们所能想象的地狱。他们的喧闹没有停歇的意思，于是我们回到了自己的住处。半夜时，许多印第安人跑来大声敲打我们的门，向我们要更多朗姆酒，我们没有理睬。

The next day, sensible they had misbehav'd in giving us that disturbance, they sent three of their old counselors to make their apology. The orator acknowledg'd the fault, but laid it upon the rum; and then endeavored to excuse the rum by saying, "The Great Spirit, who made all things, made every thing for some use, and whatever use he design'd any thing for, that use it should always be put to. Now, when he made rum, he said 'Let this be for the Indians to get drunk with,' and it must be so." And, indeed, if it be the design of Providence to extirpate these savages in order to make room for cultivators of the earth, it seems not improbable that rum may be the appointed means. It has already annihilated all the tribes who formerly inhabited the sea-coast.

In 1751, Dr. Thomas Bond, a particular friend of mine, conceived the idea of establishing a hospital in Philadelphia (a very beneficent design, which has been ascrib'd to me, but was originally his), for the reception and cure of poor sick persons, whether inhabitants of the province or strangers. He was zealous and active in endeavoring to procure subscriptions for it, but the proposal being a novelty in America, and at first not well understood, he met with but small success.

At length he came to me with the compliment that he found there was no such thing as carrying a public-spirited project through without my being concern'd in it. "For," says he, "I am often ask'd by those to whom I propose subscribing, Have you consulted Franklin upon this business? And what does he think of it? And when I tell them that I have not (supposing it rather out of your line), they do not subscribe, but say they will consider of it." I enquired into the nature and probable utility of his scheme, and receiving from him a very satisfactory explanation, I not only subscrib'd to it myself, but engag'd heartily in the design of procuring subscriptions from others. Previously, however, to the solicitation, I endeavored to prepare the minds of the people by writing on the subject in the newspapers, which was my usual custom in such cases, but which he had omitted.

The subscriptions afterwards were more free and generous; but, beginning to flag, I saw they would be insufficient without some assistance from the Assembly, and therefore propos'd to petition for it, which was done. The country members did not at first relish the project; they objected that it could only be serviceable to the city, and therefore the citizens alone should be at the expense of it; and they doubted whether the citizens themselves generally approv'd of it. My allegation on the contrary, that it met with such approbation as to leave no doubt of our being able to raise two thousand pounds by voluntary donations, they considered as a most extravagant supposition, and utterly impossible.

第二天，他们知道自己的行为对我们造成了干扰，就派了三个年长的首领前来道歉。开口道歉的那个印第安人承认了他们的过错，但把责任归咎于朗姆酒，后来又竭力为酒辩解道：“上帝创造了万物，使万物皆有用处，无论这用处是什么，我们都应按此用途来使用它。现在他创造了朗姆酒，他说‘让印第安人喝朗姆酒一醉方休吧'，于是我们就得按此执行。”的确，如果上帝有心灭绝这些野蛮人，从而为地球上的拓荒者腾出地方，那么很可能朗姆酒就是注定的方法了。它已使原住在海岸边上的所有印第安人部落都灭绝了。

1751年，我的一位好朋友托马斯·邦德医生想在费城建一家医院（一个非常仁慈的计划，人们后来将其归功于我，其实最初是他的想法），用于接待并治疗穷困的病人，不论他们是本州居民还是外地人。他对募集捐款一事热心积极，但这个计划此前在美洲从未有过，人们一开始对此并不非常理解，因此他没有取得多大成功。

后来邦德医生来到我这里，称赞我说，他觉得要开展公益项目，没有我参与可不行。“这是因为，”他说，“我去募捐时，人们常常问我，‘这件事儿你和富兰克林商量过吗？他持什么意见？'我告诉他们我没有咨询过你时（我认为此事非你所长），他们就不捐款，而说他们会考虑的。”我询问他那项计划的性质和大概用途，他给了我令人非常满意的解释，我不仅自己捐了款，还热心帮他向别人募捐。不过在此之前，我就这个项目写了一篇文章发表在报纸上，使人们对此做好思想准备，这是我遇到这类事情的习惯做法，而他却忽略了此事。

后来人们捐款变得踊跃慷慨，但不久又开始减少，我意识到如果没有州议会的帮助，只靠捐款是不足以维持下去的，因此，我提议向议会申请拨款，接着便付诸实施。起初，来自乡村的议员对这个计划没有多大兴趣，他们反对说这个计划只能服务于城市，因此该让市民们自己出钱，他们还怀疑市民们自己也不一定都赞同这个计划。我的意见却与此相反，我认为这项计划将备受欢迎，肯定能募集到2,000镑捐款。他们认为我期望过高，完全是痴人说梦。

On this I form'd my plan; and asking leave to bring in a bill for incorporating the contributors according to the prayer of their petition, and granting them a blank sum of money, which leave was obtained chiefly on the consideration that the House could throw the bill out if they did not like it, I drew it so as to make the important clause a conditional one, viz., "And be it enacted, by the authority aforesaid, that when the said contributors shall have met and chosen their managers and treasurer, and shall have raised by their contributions a capital stock of—value (the yearly interest of which is to be applied to the accommodating of the sick poor in the said hospital, free of charge for diet, attendance, advice, and medicines), and shall make the same appear to the satisfaction of the speaker of the Assembly for the time being, that then it shall and may be lawful for the said speaker, and he is hereby required, to sign an order on the provincial treasurer for the payment of two thousand pounds, in two yearly payments, to the treasurer of the said hospital, to be applied to the founding, building, and finishing of the same."

This condition carried the bill through; for the members, who had oppos'd the grant, and now conceiv'd they might have the credit of being charitable without the expence, agreed to its passage; and then, in soliciting subscriptions among the people, we urg'd the conditional promise of the law as an additional motive to give, since every man's donation would be doubled; thus the clause work'd both ways. The subscriptions accordingly soon exceeded the requisite sum, and we claim'd and receiv'd the public gift, which enabled us to carry the design into execution. A convenient and handsome building was soon erected; the institution has by constant experience been found useful, and flourishes to this day; and I do not remember any of my political manoeuvres, the success of which gave me at the time more pleasure, or wherein, after thinking of it, I more easily excus'd myself for having made some use of cunning.

为此，我想出了一个办法。我请求议会准许我提出一项议案，即按捐款人的请求把他们组织起来，并给予一定金额的钱款。他们之所以允许我提出这项议案，主要是考虑到如果州议会不喜欢它，可以把它推翻，而我在议案里为这项重要条款加上了附加条件，即：“兹经议会决定，所述捐款人应集合起来，选出管理人和司库，募集捐款若干镑（捐款的年利息将用于为医院贫困患者提供帮助，免除他们的伙食、看护、就诊和药物费用），报给议会议长审批，若得通过，则议长应签署命令，准许本州司库向本医院司库拨款2,000镑，分两年付清，作医院创办、修建和装修之用。”

这一附加条件使议案得以通过；曾经反对拨款的议员见他们不花一分一厘就能赚个乐善好施的美名，就同意了议案。随后，我们在民众中募集捐款时，竭力强调法案中那项附有条件的允诺，以使人们捐款之心愈甚，这样每人的捐款都会加倍。如此一来，这一条款在两方面都起到了作用。捐款金额很快超过了所需数额，我们向议会提出请求，得到了议会拨款，将计划付诸实施。我们很快修建了一座舒适美观的大楼，后来的长期经验证明，这家医院发挥了很大作用，直至今日依然兴旺发达。在我的记忆中，没有哪项政治策略的成功在当时能让我如许满足，或是事后回忆起来时，能让我如此容易地原谅自己使用了些计谋。

It was about this time that another projector, the Rev. Gilbert Tennent, came to me with a request that I would assist him in procuring a subscription for erecting a new meeting-house. It was to be for the use of a congregation he had gathered among the Presbyterians, who were originally disciples of Mr. Whitefield. Unwilling to make myself disagreeable to my fellow-citizens by too frequently soliciting their contributions, I absolutely refus'd. He then desired I would furnish him with a list of the names of persons I knew by experience to be generous and public-spirited. I thought it would be unbecoming in me, after their kind compliance with my solicitations, to mark them out to be worried by other beggars, and therefore refus'd also to give such a list. He then desir'd I would at least give him my advice. "That I will readily do," said I; "and, in the first place, I advise you to apply to all those whom you know will give something; next, to those whom you are uncertain whether they will give any thing or not, and show them the list of those who have given; and, lastly, do not neglect those who you are sure will give nothing, for in some of them you may be mistaken." He laugh'd and thank'd me, and said he would take my advice. He did so, for he ask'd of everybody, and he obtained a much larger sum than he expected, with which he erected the capacious and very elegant meeting-house that stands in Arch-street.

Our city, tho' laid out with a beautiful regularity, the streets large, strait, and crossing each other at right angles, had the disgrace of suffering those streets to remain long unpav'd, and in wet weather the wheels of heavy carriages plough'd them into a quagmire, so that it was difficult to cross them; and in dry weather the dust was offensive. I had liv'd near what was call'd the Jersey Market, and saw with pain the inhabitants wading in mud while purchasing their provisions. A strip of ground down the middle of that market was at length pav'd with brick, so that, being once in the market, they had firm footing, but were often over shoes in dirt to get there. By talking and writing on the subject, I was at length instrumental in getting the street pav'd with stone between the market and the brick'd foot-pavement, that was on each side next the houses. This, for some time, gave an easy access to the market dry-shod; but, the rest of the street not being pav'd, whenever a carriage came out of the mud upon this pavement, it shook off and left its dirt upon it, and it was soon cover'd with mire, which was not remov'd, the city as yet having no scavengers.

大约这个时候，另一位计划发起人吉尔伯特·坦南特牧师来找我，请我协助他为建一座新教堂募集捐款。这座教堂将作他所召集的长老会教徒们集会之用，这些教徒原是怀特菲尔德先生的信徒。我不愿频繁向公众募集捐款，以免惹人厌烦，就坚决拒绝了他。于是他希望我给他列一张名单，列出我所知道的既慷慨又热心公益的人。我想这些人在我募捐时已做了善意的响应，现在我又把他们的名字挑出来，告诉别的募捐者，使他们备受烦扰，这种行为很不合适，因此我拒绝给他列这个名单。他又请我至少给他些建议。我说：“这我倒愿意。首先，我建议你向据你所知会捐钱的人募捐；然后，向你不确定是否会捐款的人募捐，并给他们看已捐款人的名单；最后，不要忽略那些你确信不会捐钱的人，因为你可能会看错他们中的一些人。”他笑着感谢我，说会采纳我的建议。他的确采纳了，他向所有人募捐，而且所获捐款比他预料的要多出很多，他用这笔钱修建了一座宽敞高雅的教堂，就座落在拱门街上。

我们的城市虽然规划得美观整齐，街道宽阔平直，纵横交错，但不雅的是路面长久不曾铺设，一到雨天，沉重的马车轮碾过，街道就成了泥沼，使人们寸步难行，而天气干燥时，街上又尘土飞扬，令人不快。我那时在泽西市场附近居住，看到居民们在市场采购时在泥泞中跋涉，心里很不是滋味。后来市场中央的一长条地面上终于铺了砖块，这样市民们到了市场之后就有稳固的落脚之处了，但他们往往还没到市场就已经满脚泥了。马路两边都有房屋，两排房屋前是铺了砖的人行道，我认为应在市场和人行道之间的道路上铺设石料。我和人议过此事，也就此写过文章，终于将其促成。这样，在一段时间内人们就可以轻易抵达市场而不把鞋子弄湿了。但街道其余部分还没有铺，每当马车从泥泞处驶到这段街面上时，其抖下的泥土落在上面，很快把这段街道弄得泥泞不堪，而且还不易清除，因为当时城市里还没有清洁工。

After some inquiry I found a poor industrious man, who was willing to undertake keeping the pavement clean, by sweeping it twice a week, carrying off the dirt from before all the neighbors' doors, for the sum of sixpence per month, to be paid by each house. I then wrote and printed a paper setting forth the advantages to the neighborhood that might be obtain'd by this small expense; the greater ease in keeping our houses clean, so much dirt not being brought in by people's feet; the benefit to the shops by more custom, etc., etc., as buyers could more easily get at them; and by not having, in windy weather, the dust blown in upon their goods, etc., etc. I sent one of these papers to each house, and in a day or two went round to see who would subscribe an agreement to pay these sixpences; it was unanimously sign'd, and for a time well executed. All the inhabitants of the city were delighted with the cleanliness of the pavement that surrounded the market, it being a convenience to all, and this rais'd a general desire to have all the streets paved, and made the people more willing to submit to a tax for that purpose.

After some time I drew a bill for paving the city, and brought it into the Assembly. It was just before I went to England, in 1757, and did not pass till I was gone and then with an alteration in the mode of assessment, which I thought not for the better, but with an additional provision for lighting as well as paving the streets, which was a great improvement. It was by a private person, the late Mr. John Clifton, his giving a sample of the utility of lamps, by placing one at his door, that the people were first impress'd with the idea of enlighting all the city. The honour of this public benefit has also been ascrib'd to me but it belongs truly to that gentleman. I did but follow his example, and have only some merit to claim respecting the form of our lamps, as differing from the globe lamps we were at first supply'd with from London. Those we found inconvenient in these respects: they admitted no air below; the smoke, therefore, did not readily go out above, but circulated in the globe, lodg'd on its inside, and soon obstructed the light they were intended to afford; giving, besides, the daily trouble of wiping them clean; and an accidental stroke on one of them would demolish it, and render it totally useless. I therefore suggested the composing them of four flat panes, with a long funnel above to draw up the smoke, and crevices admitting air below, to facilitate the ascent of the smoke; by this means they were kept clean, and did not grow dark in a few hours, as the London lamps do, but continu'd bright till morning, and an accidental stroke would generally break but a single pane, easily repair'd.

经过一番寻访，我找到一个贫穷勤快的人，他愿意承担保持街道清洁的工作，每周清扫路面两次，并把各家各户门前的尘泥清除，工资为每月六便士，由各户共同支付。然后我撰写并刊印了一篇文章，向居民们陈述这一小笔支出的种种好处，如人们脚上不再带进如此多的泥土，更易于保持屋内卫生；对于店家来说，光顾的客人会有所增加，因为人们更容易到达商店；起风时也不会有沙尘刮至他们的货物上等等。我把这篇文章每家各送一份，一两天后再去各家看谁愿意签订协议支付这六便士。人们全都签了协议，一段时期内这个计划得以顺利进行。所有市民都高兴地见到市场周围的街道变得干净清洁了，这方便了大家，也使人们普遍希望所有街道都能铺设好，他们也更加愿意为此缴纳税款了。

一段时间以后，我起草了铺设全城街道的议案，并将其提交至州议会。这就在1757年我去英格兰之前，直到我走后议案才获得通过。当时议案中估定税额的方式有所更改，我认为这并没带来什么改善，倒是其中提出除铺设街道外还要安装路灯，这是一项很大的进步。这个提议是由一个平头百姓、已故的约翰·克利夫顿先生提出的，他在自家门前装了一盏灯，向大家展示灯的用处，使人们初次产生了照亮整座城市的想法。人们把这项公益事业的荣誉也归功于我，但其实它是属于那位先生的。我只是以他为榜样，在改进灯的形状方面略有功劳。我们使用的灯与最初从伦敦购买的球形灯不太一样，那种灯我们发现在如下方面有诸多缺点：灯的下方不通空气，使烟不能从上面出去，而是在球形里流动，附在灯的内壁上，很快就会阻挡灯的光线；此外，这使得灯具需要每天擦拭保持清洁；还有如果一不小心敲一下，灯具就会毁坏，就完全没用了。因此，我建议把四块平板玻璃拼起来作为灯罩，在上方安一支长烟囱以排空烟气，在下方开裂缝使空气进入，从而促使烟气上升。这个方法既使灯具保持清洁，也不像从在伦敦买的灯一样几小时之内就变得黯淡，而是可以持续发光直至天明，不小心敲到它一般只会打破一块玻璃，易于修补。

I have sometimes wonder'd that the Londoners did not, from the effect holes in the bottom of the globe lamps us'd at Vauxhall have in keeping them clean, learn to have such holes in their street lamps. But, these holes being made for another purpose, viz., to communicate flame more suddenly to the wick by a little flax hanging down thro' them, the other use, of letting in air, seems not to have been thought of; and therefore, after the lamps have been lit a few hours, the streets of London are very poorly illuminated.

The mention of these improvements puts me in mind of one I propos'd, when in London, to Dr. Fothergill, who was among the best men I have known, and a great promoter of useful projects. I had observ'd that the streets, when dry, were never swept, and the light dust carried away; but it was suffer'd to accumulate till wet weather reduc'd it to mud, and then, after lying some days so deep on the pavement that there was no crossing but in paths kept clean by poor people with brooms, it was with great labor rak'd together and thrown up into carts open above, the sides of which suffer'd some of the slush at every jolt on the pavement to shake out and fall, sometimes to the annoyance of foot-passengers. The reason given for not sweeping the dusty streets was, that the dust would fly into the windows of shops and houses.

An accidental occurrence had instructed me how much sweeping might be done in a little time. I found at my door in Craven-street, one morning, a poor woman sweeping my pavement with a birch broom; she appeared very pale and feeble, as just come out of a fit of sickness. I ask'd who employ'd her to sweep there; she said, "Nobody, but I am very poor and in distress, and I sweeps before gentlefolkses doors, and hopes they will give me something." I bid her sweep the whole street clean, and I would give her a shilling; this was at nine o'clock; at 12 she came for the shilling. From the slowness I saw at first in her working, I could scarce believe that the work was done so soon, and sent my servant to examine it, who reported that the whole street was swept perfectly clean, and all the dust plac'd in the gutter, which was in the middle; and the next rain wash'd it quite away, so that the pavement and even the kennel were perfectly clean.

我有时觉得奇怪，在沃克斯豪尔使用的球形灯底部是有孔的，可以使灯的内部保持清洁，怎么伦敦人就没学会在他们的街灯上也开几个孔呢？但他们的孔是有其他用途的，即从中垂下一小块亚麻布，使火焰更快到达灯芯，而他们似乎没有想到通气的这种用途，因此，路灯点亮几个小时后，伦敦的街道就变得十分昏暗了。

提到这些改进，使我想起了在伦敦时向福瑟吉尔博士提议的事情。福瑟吉尔博士是我认识的最优秀的人之一，也是一位公益计划的伟大倡导者。我曾经注意到，天气干燥时，街道从来没人打扫，灰尘从来没人清走，就这么累积起来，一到下雨天便成了泥浆，几天以后，人行道上的污泥堆得如此之厚，连穿过街道都不可能，只有穷人用扫帚扫出来的小路是干净的。人们要费很大力气才能把这污泥耙到一起，倒进上端敞开的手推车中，但车子在路上行进时，每颠簸一次都会有些污泥从车的两边震落下来，掉在路上，有时让路人烦恼不已。而不清扫满是灰尘的街道的理由是，清扫时灰尘会飞进商铺和房屋的窗户里。

一次偶然事件让我了解到在很短的时间内能完成多少清扫工作。一天早上，我在克雷文街住所的门口发现一位穷苦的妇人正用一把桦木扫帚扫着我门口的人行道，她看起来非常苍白虚弱，似乎大病初愈。我问她是谁雇她来这儿扫地的，她说：“没人雇我，但我穷困潦倒，就来上流人士的家门口扫地，希望他们能施舍我点儿。”我让她把整条街都扫干净，我可以给她一先令。当时是9点钟，她12点时来拿钱了。开始时我见她动作很慢，难以相信她能这么快完成工作，于是就派我的仆人去检查，仆人回来报告说，整条街都打扫得十分干净，所有灰尘都扫到街中央的阴沟里了。后来下了一场雨，把它们都冲走了，这样整条人行道甚至阴沟都变得非常干净。

I then judg'd that, if that feeble woman could sweep such a street in three hours, a strong, active man might have done it in half the time. And here let me remark the convenience of having but one gutter in such a narrow street, running down its middle, instead of two, one on each side, near the footway; for where all the rain that falls on a street runs from the sides and meets in the middle, it forms there a current strong enough to wash away all the mud it meets with; but when divided into two channels, it is often too weak to cleanse either, and only makes the mud it finds more fluid, so that the wheels of carriages and feet of horses throw and dash it upon the foot-pavement, which is thereby rendered foul and slippery, and sometimes splash it upon those who are walking. My proposal, communicated to the good doctor, was as follows:

"For the more effectual cleaning and keeping clean the streets of London and Westminster, it is proposed that the several watchmen be contracted with to have the dust swept up in dry seasons, and the mud rak'd up at other times, each in the several streets and lanes of his round; that they be furnish'd with brooms and other proper instruments for these purposes, to be kept at their respective stands, ready to furnish the poor people they may employ in the service.

"That in the dry summer months the dust be all swept up into heaps at proper distances, before the shops and windows of houses are usually opened, when the scavengers, with close-covered carts, shall also carry it all away.

"That the mud, when rak'd up, be not left in heaps to be spread abroad again by the wheels of carriages and trampling of horses, but that the scavengers be provided with bodies of carts, not plac'd high upon wheels, but low upon sliders, with lattice bottoms, which, being cover'd with straw, will retain the mud thrown into them, and permit the water to drain from it, whereby it will become much lighter, water making the greatest part of its weight; these bodies of carts to be plac'd at convenient distances, and the mud brought to them in wheel-barrows; they remaining where plac'd till the mud is drain'd, and then horses brought to draw them away."

于是我判断，如果那个虚弱的妇人能在三小时内打扫干净一条街，那么一个身强力壮、行动迅速的男子可能只用一半的时间就能完成。这里我要说到，在这样一条窄街上，只有中间一条阴沟而非两边人行道附近各一条是有好处的，因为落在街上的所有雨水从两边汇集到中间时，能够形成一股急流冲刷掉所有遇到的泥土；而如果这股水流分为两道，那么常常力度太弱，不足以清洗掉两边的泥土，只会让这泥沾了水后变得稀软，当马车轮碾过或马蹄踏过时溅到人行道上去，弄得人行道上又脏又滑，有时还会溅到行人身上。于是我向这位优秀的博士提出了如下建议：

“为使伦敦和威斯敏斯特的街道清扫更为有效，并保持街道清洁，我建议雇用若干人手，监管干燥季节时灰尘的清扫和雨季时污泥的耙除，每人负责几条街道及附近的小巷，我们给他们提供扫帚和其他适当的清扫工具，平时保存在各自的场所，以备受雇的穷人清扫街道时使用。”

“干燥的夏季时节，应在商店和住宅的窗户打开之前打扫灰尘，每隔适当距离积成一堆，再由清洁工用上端封闭的小车把它们全部运走。”

“耙集起来的泥巴不要再堆积放置，以免被车轮或马蹄踏散开来。清洁工应配备一些小车，车身不要高高放置在车轮之上，而是低放在滑盘上，底部是格子结构，上面铺上稻草，这样既可以盛住污泥，又能使水从中排出，如此一来整个重量就要轻许多，因为水占了大部分重量。这些车辆应置放在适当距离之处，污泥用手推车送来，倒入其中，等泥巴中的水都沥干之后用马把它们拖走。”

I have since had doubts of the practicability of the latter part of this proposal, on account of the narrowness of some streets, and the difficulty of placing the draining-sleds so as not to encumber too much the passage; but I am still of opinion that the former, requiring the dust to be swept up and carry'd away before the shops are open, is very practicable in the summer, when the days are long; for, in walking thro' the Strand and Fleet-street one morning at seven o'clock, I observ'd there was not one shop open, tho' it had been daylight and the sun up above three hours; the inhabitants of London chusing voluntarily to live much by candle-light, and sleep by sunshine, and yet often complain, a little absurdly, of the duty on candles and the high price of tallow.

Some may think these trifling matters not worth minding or relating; but when they consider that tho' dust blown into the eyes of a single person, or into a single shop on a windy day, is but of small importance, yet the great number of the instances in a populous city, and its frequent repetitions give it weight and consequence, perhaps they will not censure very severely those who bestow some attention to affairs of this seemingly low nature. Human felicity is produc'd not so much by great pieces of good fortune that seldom happen, as by little advantages that occur every day. Thus, if you teach a poor young man to shave himself, and keep his razor in order, you may contribute more to the happiness of his life than in giving him a thousand guineas. The money may be soon spent, the regret only remaining of having foolishly consumed it; but in the other case, he escapes the frequent vexation of waiting for barbers, and of their sometimes dirty fingers, offensive breaths, and dull razors; he shaves when most convenient to him, and enjoys daily the pleasure of its being done with a good instrument. With these sentiments I have hazarded the few preceding pages, hoping they may afford hints which some time or other may be useful to a city I love, having lived many years in it very happily, and perhaps to some of our towns in America.

我后来对该建议后一部分的可行性产生了怀疑，因为有些街道很窄，要把手推车放在那儿而不阻碍交通是很困难的。但我还是认为要求在商店开门之前清扫并运走尘土的这一部分在夏季是十分可行的，因为白天时间很长。一天早晨七点时，我走过斯特兰德大道和舰队街，发现没有一家商店开门，尽管当时已经天色大亮，日上三竿。伦敦居民宁愿在烛光下生活、在阳光下睡觉，却又常常抱怨蜡烛征税太高，油脂价格太贵，真有些可笑。

有人可能认为这些微不足道的小事并不值得注意或是谈及，但如果他们认为大风天气里，灰尘吹进某个人眼睛或是刮进某家商店里并不是什么大事，那么在一个人口众多的城市里，许多人或许多商店受到风沙袭击，而且这样的事经常重复发生，这就十分严重了，也许这样他们就不会严厉责备那些对这看似无关紧要的事情有所留意的人了。人类幸福不是因鲜有发生的撞上大运而产生，而在于平日里得到的小小福利。因此，如果你能教会一个穷困的年轻人自己刮须，并好好保存剃须刀，这比赠给他1,000几尼更能给其人生带来幸福。钱财可能很快花光，剩下的只有对愚蠢挥霍金钱的懊悔；但如果你能教他刮须，那么他就能免去常常等待理发师的烦恼，不用忍受他们时常肮脏的手指、难闻的呼吸以及迟钝的剃刀，他可以选择自己最方便的时间剃须，还能每天享受使用好剃刀刮须的快乐。抱着这些想法，我冒昧写下前面几页文章，希望它们能在某些时候对我所热爱的城市有所帮助，我在这里已经快乐地生活了很多年，也许它们对我们美洲的其他城镇也有所裨益。

Having been for some time employed by the postmaster-general of America as his comptroller in regulating several offices, and bringing the officers to account, I was, upon his death in 1753, appointed, jointly with Mr. William Hunter, to succeed him, by a commission from the postmaster-general in England. The American office never had hitherto paid any thing to that of Britain. We were to have six hundred pounds a year between us, if we could make that sum out of the profits of the office. To do this, a variety of improvements were necessary; some of these were inevitably at first expensive, so that in the first four years the office became above nine hundred pounds in debt to us. But it soon after began to repay us; and before I was displac'd by a freak of the ministers, of which I shall speak hereafter, we had brought it to yield three times as much clear revenue to the crown as the postoffice of Ireland. Since that imprudent transaction, they have receiv'd from it — not one farthing!

The business of the postoffice occasion'd my taking a journey this year to New England, where the College of Cambridge, of their own motion, presented me with the degree of Master of Arts. Yale College, in Connecticut, had before made me a similar compliment. Thus, without studying in any college, I came to partake of their honours. They were conferr'd in consideration of my improvements and discoveries in the electric branch of natural philosophy.

In 1754, war with France being again apprehended, a congress of commissioners from the different colonies was, by an order of the Lords of Trade, to be assembled at Albany, there to confer with the chiefs of the Six Nations concerning the means of defending both their country and ours. Governor Hamilton, having receiv'd this order, acquainted the House with it, requesting they would furnish proper presents for the Indians, to be given on this occasion; and naming the speaker (Mr. Norris) and myself to join Mr. Thomas Penn and Mr. Secretary Peters as commissioners to act for Pennsylvania. The House approv'd the nomination, and provided the goods for the present, and tho' they did not much like treating out of the provinces; and we met the other commissioners at Albany about the middle of June.

我受美洲邮电总长任命担任他的审计员已有一段时间，负责管理若干分局，并检查邮局职员的工作。他于1753年逝世，我和威廉·亨特先生一同被英国邮电总长指定接任他的职位。此前美洲邮局从未向英国邮局缴纳任何钱款。我们两人的年薪一共为600镑，如果我们能从邮局利润中获得这一数目的话。为实现这一点，我们对邮局工作作了各种必要改进，有些措施一开始必然要花费些金钱，因此在开始的四年里，邮局欠了我们900多镑薪金，但是很快就还给了我们。在我被某个狂妄的大臣免职之前（我稍后会提到），我们使邮局缴纳给英王的净税收额是爱尔兰邮局缴纳的三倍。在我被他们草率地免职之后，他们从那儿得到的收入——居然降为零！

邮局事务让我这一年有机会去了一趟新英格兰，那里的剑桥大学主动授予我文学硕士学位。康涅狄格的耶鲁大学此前也授予我一项类似的学位。就这样，我从未在任何大学学习过，却享有它们的荣誉。这些学位的授予是因为我在自然科学的电学分支学科上有所改进和发现。

1754年，我们与法国再次开战，贸易大臣命令各殖民地派出代表委员在奥尔巴尼举行集会，与印第安人六部落的首领就共同防卫的方式进行协商。汉密尔顿总督收到命令后，通知了议会，请求他们提供适当礼物，在开会时送给印第安人，还提名议长诺里斯先生和我会同托马斯·佩恩先生及彼得斯秘书先生一起担任宾夕法尼亚的代表委员。议会通过了这项提名，还提供了礼物，尽管议员们并不太乐意在外地招待别人；我们大约在六月中旬时与其他委员们在奥尔巴尼会面。

In our way thither, I projected and drew a plan for the union of all the colonies under one government, so far as might be necessary for defense, and other important general purposes. As we pass'd thro' New York, I had there shown my project to Mr. James Alexander and Mr. Kennedy, two gentlemen of great knowledge in public affairs, and, being fortified by their approbation, I ventur'd to lay it before the Congress. It then appeared that several of the commissioners had form'd plans of the same kind. A previous question was first taken, whether a union should be established, which pass'd in the affirmative unanimously. A committee was then appointed, one member from each colony, to consider the several plans and report. Mine happen'd to be preferr'd, and, with a few amendments, was accordingly reported.

By this plan the general government was to be administered by a president-general, appointed and supported by the crown, and a grand council was to be chosen by the representatives of the people of the several colonies, met in their respective assemblies. The debates upon it in Congress went on daily, hand in hand with the Indian business. Many objections and difficulties were started, but at length they were all overcome, and the plan was unanimously agreed to, and copies ordered to be transmitted to the Board of Trade and to the assemblies of the several provinces. Its fate was singular: the assemblies did not adopt it, as they all thought there was too much prerogative in it, and in England it was judg'd to have too much of the democratic.

The Board of Trade therefore did not approve of it, nor recommend it for the approbation of his majesty; but another scheme was form'd, supposed to answer the same purpose better, whereby the governors of the provinces, with some members of their respective councils, were to meet and order the raising of troops, building of forts, etc., and to draw on the treasury of Great Britain for the expense, which was afterwards to be refunded by an act of Parliament laying a tax on America. My plan, with my reasons in support of it, is to be found among my political papers that are printed.

在我们前往奥尔巴尼的路上，我提出并拟定了一项计划，将所有殖民地联合在一个政府下，以备国防及其他重大原因之需。我们经过纽约时，我把我的计划告诉了詹姆斯·亚历山大先生和肯尼迪先生，他们是在公共事务领域颇有见识的两位绅士，他们的赞同使我增强了信念，于是我大胆地在代表大会上提了出来，当时似乎好几位委员都提出了同样的计划。我们首先讨论了一个先决问题，即是否应该成立一个联盟，这个问题得到大家一致同意。然后大会指定成立了一个委员会，每个殖民地各选一人，来考虑这几个计划和报告。我的计划凑巧获得了委员会的青睐，在经过几处修改后，就向大会作了报告。

根据这项计划，联邦政府将由一位总统管理，总统由英王指定，受其支持，另外还应选举出一个大理事会，由各殖民地的人民代表在各自议会里开会选举产生。大会上关于这个问题的辩论每日进行，与印第安人事务的讨论齐头并进。会上出现了许多反对意见和困难，但最终都被驳倒和克服，这项计划获得了一致通过，其副本被送至贸易委员会和各州议会处。这个计划的命运非常奇特：各州议会并不采纳它，因为他们都认为按此计划，联邦政府拥有太多特权，而英国方面却认为这计划使他们下放了太多权力。

因此贸易委员会没有批准这个计划，也不提请英王批准，但是这时却形成了另一项计划，应能更好地服务于同一目的。根据这个计划，各州总督应与各参事会成员集会，决定招募军队、修建堡垒等等事宜，所有花费由大不列颠王国国库支付，事后由英国议会颁布一项向美洲征税的法令来偿还。我的计划书和支持这项计划的理由可以在我已经刊印的政治论文中找到。

Being the winter following in Boston, I had much conversation with Governor Shirley upon both the plans. Part of what passed between us on the occasion may also be seen among those papers. The different and contrary reasons of dislike to my plan makes me suspect that it was really the true medium; and I am still of opinion it would have been happy for both sides the water if it had been adopted. The colonies, so united, would have been sufficiently strong to have defended themselves; there would then have been no need of troops from England; of course, the subsequent pretence for taxing America, and the bloody contest it occasioned, would have been avoided. But such mistakes are not new; history is full of the errors of states and princes.

Look round the habitable world, how few Know their own good, or, knowing it, pursue!

Those who govern, having much business on their hands, do not generally like to take the trouble of considering and carrying into execution new projects. The best public measures are therefore seldom adopted from previous wisdom, but forc'd by the occasion.

接下来的冬天我是在波士顿度过的，这期间我与雪利总督就这两个计划有过许多讨论。我们当时讨论的部分内容也可在那些论文中找到。对我的计划，反对者有的持不同意见，有的持相反意见，这让我怀疑这就是真正的折中之道。我也依然认为如果它能被采纳，大洋两岸的双方都会很高兴。各殖民地按照这一计划联合起来后，将足够强大以进行自我防卫，那么到时就没有必要再从英国派军队过来，以后向美洲征税的借口自然也就没有了，也不会引起血腥争夺了。但是这样的错误绝不新鲜，历史上国家和君王犯错的例子比比皆是。

环顾世界，明察自身利益之人何其少，明察并能勇敢追求之人又何其少！

执政之人有太多事务需要处理，一般不愿劳神去考虑和执行新的计划。因此，最佳公共措施很少是因先见之明而被采纳的，一般都是情势所逼而已。

The Governor of Pennsylvania, in sending it down to the Assembly, express'd his approbation of the plan, "as appearing to him to be drawn up with great clearness and strength of judgment, and therefore recommended it as well worthy of their closest and most serious attention." The House, however, by the management of a certain member, took it up when I happen'd to be absent, which I thought not very fair, and reprobated it without paying any attention to it at all, to my no small mortification.

In my journey to Boston this year, I met at New York with our new governor, Mr. Morris, just arriv'd there from England, with whom I had been before intimately acquainted. He brought a commission to supersede Mr. Hamilton, who, tir'd with the disputes his proprietary instructions subjected him to, had resign'd. Mr. Morris ask'd me if I thought he must expect as uncomfortable an administration. I said, "No; you may, on the contrary, have a very comfortable one, if you will only take care not to enter into any dispute with the Assembly." "My dear friend," says he, pleasantly, "how can you advise my avoiding disputes? You know I love disputing; it is one of my greatest pleasures; however, to show the regard I have for your counsel, I promise you I will, if possible, avoid them." He had some reason for loving to dispute, being eloquent, an acute sophister, and, therefore, generally successful in argumentative conversation. He had been brought up to it from a boy, his father, as I have heard, accustoming his children to dispute with one another for his diversion, while sitting at table after dinner; but I think the practice was not wise; for, in the course of my observation, these disputing, contradicting, and confuting people are generally unfortunate in their affairs. They get victory sometimes, but they never get good will, which would be of more use to them. We parted, he going to Philadelphia, and I to Boston.

宾夕法尼亚总督将我的计划交给议会，并对计划大加赞赏，“在他看来，这个计划逻辑清晰，观点合理，因此他认为值得议员们仔细阅读，认真对待。”但是，有个议员耍了个手段，趁我不在时在议会讨论这个计划，这让我觉得不是很公平。结果议会对这项计划毫不重视，将其否决了，让我极为懊恼。

这一年在去波士顿的途中，我在纽约见到了我们的新总督莫里斯先生。他刚从英格兰来到这里，我以前和他关系很好。他奉命来此接替汉密尔顿先生，后者厌倦了因领主指令的约束而与议会发生争执，于是辞职了。莫里斯先生问我他是否会在政府管理上遇到同样的困难，我说：“不会，相反，只要你小心不与议会发生任何争论，你当政会非常顺利。”“我亲爱的朋友，”他客气地说，“你怎么能建议我避免争论呢？你知道我很爱争论，这是我的最大乐趣之一。但是，为了表示我对你建议的尊重，我向你保证，如果可能的话，我会避免争论的。”他热爱争论是有些理由的，他口才很好，是一个精明的诡辩家，因此在论证性谈话中常常能够胜出。他孩童时代起就学习辩论，我听说他父亲吃完晚饭坐在桌旁时，会让孩子们相互争论，以此为乐。但我认为这么做并不高明，因为通过观察，这些爱好争论、反驳和驳斥的人们在自己的事务中一般都很不幸。他们有时会取得胜利，但从来得不到人们的善意对待，而这善意对待要比赢得争论更为有用。我们分开之后，他去了费城，我到了波士顿。

In returning, I met at New York with the votes of the Assembly, by which it appear'd that, notwithstanding his promise to me, he and the House were already in high contention; and it was a continual battle between them as long as he retain'd the government. I had my share of it; for, as soon as I got back to my seat in the Assembly, I was put on every committee for answering his speeches and messages, and by the committees always desired to make the drafts. Our answers, as well as his messages, were often tart, and sometimes indecently abusive; and, as he knew I wrote for the Assembly, one might have imagined that, when we met, we could hardly avoid cutting throats; but he was so good-natur'd a man that no personal difference between him and me was occasion'd by the contest, and we often din'd together.

One afternoon, in the height of this public quarrel, we met in the street. "Franklin," says he, "you must go home with me and spend the evening; I am to have some company that you will like" ; and, taking me by the arm, he led me to his house. In gay conversation over our wine, after supper, he told us, jokingly, that he much admir'd the idea of Sancho Panza, who, when it was proposed to give him a government, requested it might be a government of blacks, as then, if he could not agree with his people, he might sell them. One of his friends, who sat next to me, says, "Franklin, why do you continue to side with these damn'd Quakers? Had not you better sell them? The proprietor would give you a good price." "The governor," says I, "has not yet blacked them enough." He, indeed, had labored hard to blacken the Assembly in all his messages, but they wip'd off his coloring as fast as he laid it on, and plac'd it, in return, thick upon his own face; so that, finding he was likely to be negrofied himself, he, as well as Mr. Hamilton, grew tir'd of the contest, and quitted the government.

These public quarrels were all at bottom owing to the proprietaries, our hereditary governors, who, when any expense was to be incurred for the defense of their province, with incredible meanness instructed their deputies to pass no act for levying the necessary taxes, unless their vast estates were in the same act expressly excused; and they had even taken bonds of these deputies to observe such instructions. The Assemblies for three years held out against this injustice, tho' constrained to bend at last. At length Captain Denny, who was Governor Morris's successor, ventured to disobey those instructions; how that was brought about I shall show hereafter.

在回来的路上，我在纽约看到了议会的表决结果。从表决结果来看，尽管他向我许了诺，他和议会已经争论不休了。在他任职期间，他们之间的斗争一直没有休止。我也参与其中，因为我一回到州议会，每个委员会都让我答复他的演说和咨文，而委员会则总是让我起草这些文件。我们的答复和他的咨文往往尖酸刻薄，有时还有无礼的谩骂。他知道我为议会撰写回复文章后，人们可能会认为我们见面时免不了会斗个你死我活，但他的性情如此之善良，以至于我和他之间从未因争论而心生嫌隙，我们还常常一块儿吃饭呢。

一天下午，正当这场公务上的争论处于高潮之时，我们在街上相遇了。“富兰克林，”他说，“你今天晚上一定得和我去我家，我有些朋友你会喜欢的。”于是，他挽着我的胳膊，把我带去了他家。晚饭后，我们把酒言欢之时，他戏谑地告诉我们他非常喜欢桑乔·潘沙的想法，有人提出要让桑乔·潘沙来管理一个政府时，他则要求这个政府统治的是黑人，这样的话，当他和他的人民意见不一时，他还可以卖掉他们。他的一位坐在我身边的朋友说道：“富兰克林，为什么你还要站在那些该死的贵格会信徒一边呢？你把他们卖了不是更好吗？领主会给你开个好价钱的。”我说：“总督还没把他们涂得够黑啊。”他在他所有的咨文中的确都极力抹黑议会的名声，但他刚把颜色涂上去他们就将它擦拭干净了，还把它狠狠回敬到他自己脸上；就这样，当他发现自己很有可能被涂为黑人时，也像汉密尔顿先生一样，厌倦了争论，从政府中辞职了。

这些公务上的争论其实都起源于领主，他们是我们世袭的统治者。每当需要为本州防卫支付费用时，他们表现出来的吝啬让人难以置信，他们会叮嘱代理人，让他们不要通过征收必要税款的法案，除非同一法案中明文批准他们数额巨大的财产可以免税；他们甚至还和这些代理人订立合约，确保他们遵照其命令。议会连续三年抵抗这种不公平的做法，但最终还是被迫让步。终于，莫里斯总督的继任者丹尼上尉大胆地没有服从那些命令，这件事情的经过我会稍后说明。

But I am got forward too fast with my story: there are still some transactions to be mention'd that happened during the administration of Governor Morris.

War being in a manner commenced with France, the government of Massachusetts Bay projected an attack upon Crown Point, and sent Mr. Quincy to Pennsylvania, and Mr. Pownall, afterward Governor Pownall, to New York, to solicit assistance. As I was in the Assembly, knew its temper, and was Mr. Quincy's countryman, he appli'd to me for my influence and assistance. I dictated his address to them, which was well receiv'd. They voted an aid of ten thousand pounds, to be laid out in provisions. But the governor refusing his assent to their bill (which included this with other sums granted for the use of the crown), unless a clause were inserted exempting the proprietary estate from bearing any part of the tax that would be necessary, the Assembly, tho' very desirous of making their grant to New England effectual, were at a loss how to accomplish it. Mr. Quincy labored hard with the governor to obtain his assent, but he was obstinate.

I then suggested a method of doing the business without the governor, by orders on the trustees of the Loan Office, which, by law, the Assembly had the right of drawing. There was, indeed, little or no money at that time in the office, and therefore I propos'd that the orders should be payable in a year, and to bear an interest of five per cent. With these orders I suppos'd the provisions might easily be purchas'd. The Assembly, with very little hesitation, adopted the proposal. The orders were immediately printed, and I was one of the committee directed to sign and dispose of them. The fund for paying them was the interest of all the paper currency then extant in the province upon loan, together with the revenue arising from the excise, which being known to be more than sufficient, they obtain'd instant credit, and were not only receiv'd in payment for the provisions, but many money'd people, who had cash lying by them, vested it in those orders, which they found advantageous, as they bore interest while upon hand, and might on any occasion be used as money; so that they were eagerly all bought up, and in a few weeks none of them were to be seen. Thus this important affair was by my means compleated. Mr. Quincy return'd thanks to the Assembly in a handsome memorial, went home highly pleas'd with the success of his embassy, and ever after bore for me the most cordial and affectionate friendship.

但是我的故事讲述得太快了，在莫里斯总督任职期间，还有一些事情应该谈到。

从某种意义上来说我们与法国的战争已经开始了。马萨诸塞湾政府打算袭击克朗波因特，派昆西先生和波纳尔先生（后来的波纳尔总督）分别去宾夕法尼亚和纽约请求援助。因为我是州议员，了解议会的情况，又和昆西先生是同乡，所以他希望我利用自己的影响帮助他。我向昆西先生口述了他要向议员们发表的演讲，那篇演讲反响良好。议员们投票通过了一万镑的援助款，用于购买粮草。但总督却拒绝批准这一议案（该议案包含这项援助，以及其他为英王所用的款项），除非其中加上领主的财产可免交所有必要税款的条款，尽管议会极其希望能对新英格兰施以有效援助，但此时却束手无策。昆西先生竭力劝说总督批准法案，但总督还是固执己见。

于是我提出了一个绕开总督的行事办法，即向贷款办公室理事开具汇票，根据法律，议会是有这项权利的。其实那时贷款办公室没什么资金，于是我提议，汇票应在一年内支付，并支付5%的利息。有了这些汇票，我想购买粮草应当不是什么难事。议会没怎么犹豫就采纳了这一提议。汇票很快付印了，我被指定为签署并发行汇票的委员之一。收购汇票的资金是当时全州所有纸币贷款的利息以及消费税所得，人们知道要收购汇票，这二者之和是绰绰有余的，于是汇票很快获得了人们的信任，它们不仅被用来购买粮食，很多手头有现钱的富人还将钱投入那些汇票，他们发现这样有利可图，因为持有汇票可以获得利息，又随时可当现金使用，因此他们都积极购买，几个星期后所有证券就全都卖光了。就这样，这一重大事件按我的方法就完成了。昆西先生写了一篇典雅的文章向议会表示感谢，顺利完成了使命后，兴高采烈地回家了。从此以后，他对我总是怀着最真挚、最深切的友情。

We found the general at Frederictown, waiting impatiently for the return of those he had sent thro' the back parts of Maryland and Virginia to collect waggons. I stayed with him several days, din'd with him daily, and had full opportunity of removing all his prejudices, by the information of what the Assembly had before his arrival actually done, and were still willing to do, to facilitate his operations. When I was about to depart, the returns of waggons to be obtained were brought in, by which it appear'd that they amounted only to twenty-five, and not all of those were in serviceable condition. The general and all the officers were surpris'd, declar'd the expedition was then at an end, being impossible, and exclaim'd against the ministers for ignorantly landing them in a country destitute of the means of conveying their stores, baggage, etc., not less than one hundred and fifty waggons being necessary.

I happened to say I thought it was a pity they had not been landed rather in Pennsylvania, as in that country almost every farmer had his waggon. The general eagerly laid hold of my words, and said, "Then you, sir, who are a man of interest there, can probably procure them for us; and I beg you will undertake it." I ask'd what terms were to be offer'd the owners of the waggons; and I was desir'd to put on paper the terms that appeared to me necessary. This I did, and they were agreed to, and a commission and instructions accordingly prepar'd immediately. What those terms were will appear in the advertisement I publish'd as soon as I arriv'd at Lancaster, which being, from the great and sudden effect it produc'd, a piece of some curiosity, I shall insert it at length, as follows:

我们在弗雷德里克敦见到了这位将军，他当时正在焦急地等待派往马里兰和弗吉尼亚边境地区征集车辆的人回来。我和他共处了几天，每天和他一起吃饭，有充足的机会消除他的所有偏见，我告诉他议会在他抵达之前所做的一切，现在他们依然愿意这样做以协助他的行动。我正要离开时，所征车辆情况的材料呈递了进来，报告上说只征集到25辆车，其中有些已不能使用。将军和所有的军官都大感意外，宣布这次出征就此终结，任务不能完成了，他们还大声斥责那些大臣们愚蠢地让他们在这样一个地方登陆，这里连运送军需品和行李等等的工具都没有，而他们至少需要150辆车才能进行运输。

我无意中提到，他们要是在宾夕法尼亚登陆就好了，因为在那儿，几乎每个农夫都有自己的马车。将军立即接我的话说道：“那么先生，您在那儿是个有影响的人，很可能可以帮我们征到车辆，我请您担下此事。”我问他对马车车主有何报酬，他让我将我认为必要的报酬写在纸上。我写了下来，他同意这些条件，于是立即把相应的委任书和通告令准备好。这些报酬是什么可以在我抵达兰开斯特后立即发布的公告上看到，从它迅速引起的巨大反响来看，这公告倒是很有意思，我把全文插在此处，如下所示：

"ADVERTISEMENT. "LANCASTER, April 26, 1755.

"Whereas, one hundred and fifty waggons, with four horses to each waggon, and fifteen hundred saddle or pack horses, are wanted for the service of his majesty's forces now about to rendezvous at Will's Creek, and his excellency General Braddock having been pleased to empower me to contract for the hire of the same, I hereby give notice that I shall attend for that purpose at Lancaster from this day to next Wednesday evening, and at York from next Thursday morning till Friday evening, where I shall be ready to agree for waggons and teams, or single horses, on the following terms, viz.: 1. That there shall be paid for each waggon, with four good horses and a driver, fifteen shillings per diem; and for each able horse with a pack-saddle, or other saddle and furniture, two shillings per diem; and for each able horse without a saddle, eighteen pence per diem. 2. That the pay commence from the time of their joining the forces at Will's Creek, which must be on or before the 20th of May ensuing, and that a reasonable allowance be paid over and above for the time necessary for their travelling to Will's Creek and home again after their discharge. 3. Each waggon and team, and every saddle or pack horse, is to be valued by indifferent persons chosen between me and the owner; and in case of the loss of any waggon, team, or other horse in the service, the price according to such valuation is to be allowed and paid. 4. Seven days' pay is to be advanced and paid in hand by me to the owner of each waggon and team, or horse, at the time of contracting, if required, and the remainder to be paid by General Braddock, or by the paymaster of the army, at the time of their discharge, or from time to time, as it shall be demanded. 5. No drivers of waggons, or persons taking care of the hired horses, are on any account to be called upon to do the duty of soldiers, or be otherwise employed than in conducting or taking care of their carriages or horses. 6. All oats, Indian corn, or other forage that waggons or horses bring to the camp, more than is necessary for the subsistence of the horses, is to be taken for the use of the army, and a reasonable price paid for the same.

"Note.—My son, William Franklin, is empowered to enter into like contracts with any person in Cumberland County. "B. FRANKLIN."

公　告
兰开斯特　1755年4月26日

兹因英王陛下的军队将在威尔斯克里克集结，需150辆马车，每辆马车需配马四匹，还需1,500匹驯马或驮马，尊敬的布雷多克将军阁下授权我为他租马并订立合约。因此，我将于今日至下周三晚在兰开斯特、于下周四上午至周五晚在约克办理此事，特此公告。另车辆、马车联队及单匹马的租金如下：1. 配有四匹良马及一位马夫的马车，每日付给15先令；配有驮鞍或其他马鞍及装备的健壮马匹，每日付给两先令；无马鞍的健壮马匹，每日付给18便士。2. 租金从车辆和马匹加入位于威尔斯克里克的军队之时开始计算，报到时间为接下来的5月20日或此日期之前。除租金外，就往返路途的必要时间也会给予适当补贴。3. 每辆车及马车联队、每匹驯马或驮马将由我和车马主人选择的中立人士进行估价，如若车辆、马车联队或其他马匹在服役时有所损失，应根据估价给予赔偿。4. 订立合约时，如车马主人需要，可由我预先支付七日租金，余下部分由布雷多克将军或军队出纳员在车马服役结束时支付，或根据需要择期支付。5. 在任何情况下，绝不要求驾车人或马夫履行士兵职责，也不使其承担驾车或养马以外的任务。6. 凡由车马运至军营的所有燕麦、玉米或其他饲料，如满足饲养马匹需要之外还有剩余，可由军队按照合理价格收购。

注：我的儿子威廉·富兰克林亦有权与坎伯兰郡任何一人订立此类合同。

本杰明·富兰克林

"To the inhabitants of the Counties of Lancaster, York and Cumberland.

"Friends and Countrymen,

"Being occasionally at the camp at Frederic a few days since, I found the general and officers extremely exasperated on account of their not being supplied with horses and carriages, which had been expected from this province, as most able to furnish them; but, through the dissensions between our governor and Assembly, money had not been provided, nor any steps taken for that purpose.

"It was proposed to send an armed force immediately into these counties, to seize as many of the best carriages and horses as should be wanted, and compel as many persons into the service as would be necessary to drive and take care of them.

"I apprehended that the progress of British soldiers through these counties on such an occasion, especially considering the temper they are in, and their resentment against us, would be attended with many and great inconveniences to the inhabitants, and therefore more willingly took the trouble of trying first what might be done by fair and equitable means. The people of these back counties have lately complained to the Assembly that a sufficient currency was wanting; you have an opportunity of receiving and dividing among you a very considerable sum; for, if the service of this expedition should continue, as it is more than probable it will, for one hundred and twenty days, the hire of these waggons and horses will amount to upward of thirty thousand pounds, which will be paid you in silver and gold of the king's money.

"The service will be light and easy, for the army will scarce march above twelve miles per day, and the waggons and baggage-horses, as they carry those things that are absolutely necessary to the welfare of the army, must march with the army, and no faster; and are, for the army's sake, always placed where they can be most secure, whether in a march or in a camp.

"If you are really, as I believe you are, good and loyal subjects to his majesty, you may now do a most acceptable service, and make it easy to yourselves; for three or four of such as can not separately spare from the business of their plantations a waggon and four horses and a driver, may do it together, one furnishing the waggon, another one or two horses, and another the driver, and divide the pay proportionately between you; but if you do not this service to your king and country voluntarily, when such good pay and reasonable terms are offered to you, your loyalty will be strongly suspected. The king's business must be done; so many brave troops, come so far for your defense, must not stand idle through your backwardness to do what may be reasonably expected from you; waggons and horses must be had; violent measures will probably be used, and you will be left to seek for a recompense where you can find it, and your case, perhaps, be little pitied or regarded.

"I have no particular interest in this affair, as, except the satisfaction of endeavoring to do good, I shall have only my labor for my pains. If this method of obtaining the waggons and horses is not likely to succeed, I am obliged to send word to the general in fourteen days; and I suppose Sir John St. Clair, the hussar, with a body of soldiers, will immediately enter the province for the purpose, which I shall be sorry to hear, because I am very sincerely and truly your friend and well-wisher, B. FRANKLIN."

致兰开斯特、约克及坎伯兰郡居民书

朋友们，同乡们：

几天前，我偶然去了弗雷德里克军营，发现将军和军官们因缺乏马匹和车辆供给而极为恼怒，他们希望能从本州获得供给，因为本州最具备这种能力。但因总督和议会不和，未能提供资金，也未为此采取任何措施。

有人提议立即派遣一支军队进入诸郡，按其所需数量，抢夺优良车马，强迫必要数量的人们到军队驾车养马。

我担心英国士兵在此情景下行经诸郡，尤其考虑到他们此刻的情绪及对我们的憎恶，会给居民们造成诸多巨大不便，因此，我更加愿意不辞劳苦，尝试先用公平合理的办法解决此事。诸郡人民近来向议会抱怨缺乏足够货币，现在你们有机会获得并分享一大笔财产，如此一次远征服役能持续120天（这是极有可能的），这些车马的租金将高于三万镑，并将以英王的金币和银币支付。

服役工作将会轻松容易，因为军队每天行进的路程很少超过12英里，而车辆及运输行李的马匹所运之物对军队福利而言必不可少，必须与军队共同行进，不能更快，不管是在行进中还是军营里，为了军队自身考虑，车马一定始终处于最安全的位置。

如你们像我相信的那样，的确是英国善良而忠诚的子民，你们现在可以承担这项最受欢迎的服役，自己也不至为难；如果有三四户人家无法从其种植工作中单独抽出一辆车、四匹马和一位车夫，那么他们可以合力，一家提供马车，一家提供一两匹马，再有一家提供车夫，并将所获租金按比例分配。如果给你们提供这样优厚的租金、这样合理的条件，你们仍然不愿为你们的国王和国家服务，那么你们的忠心就会遭到强烈质疑了。国王的任务必须完成，如此多英勇的军队千里迢迢前来保卫你们，如果你们迟迟不肯做些该做的事情，他们也一定要得到车马，便可能会采取过激手段，到时你们就只能自寻出路，而且在这种情况下，也许没人会同情和关心你们了。

此事并未牵涉我本人的具体利益，除了让我拥有尽力行善的满足感外，我只能不辞辛劳，努力促成此事。如果这种征集车马的方法不成功，14天后我只能将此事向将军报告，我想轻骑兵约翰·圣克莱尔爵士会立即率领一队士兵来本州搜寻车马，这会令我非常遗憾，因为我是你们非常诚恳真实的朋友和祝福者。

本杰明·富兰克林

I received of the general about eight hundred pounds, to be disbursed in advance-money to the wagon owners, etc.; but, that sum being insufficient, I advanc'd upward of two hundred pounds more, and in two weeks the one hundred and fifty waggons, with two hundred and fifty-nine carrying horses, were on their march for the camp. The advertisement promised payment according to the valuation, in case any waggon or horse should be lost. The owners, however, alleging they did not know General Braddock, or what dependence might be had on his promise, insisted on my bond for the performance, which I accordingly gave them.

我从将军处得到大约800镑用于向车主们预付租金等等，但这笔钱还不够，我又垫付了200多镑。两周后，征集到的150辆车和259匹马就启程前往军营了。通告中允诺，如果车马折损，将根据估价予以赔偿。但车马主称他们不认识布雷多克将军，不知他的承诺是否可靠，坚持让我为此担保，我就依了他们的话。

While I was at the camp, supping one evening with the officers of Colonel Dunbar's regiment, he represented to me his concern for the subalterns, who, he said, were generally not in affluence, and could ill afford, in this dear country, to lay in the stores that might be necessary in so long a march, thro' a wilderness, where nothing was to be purchas'd. I commiserated their case, and resolved to endeavor procuring them some relief. I said nothing, however, to him of my intention, but wrote the next morning to the committee of the Assembly, who had the disposition of some public money, warmly recommending the case of these officers to their consideration, and proposing that a present should be sent them of necessaries and refreshments. My son, who had some experience of a camp life, and of its wants, drew up a list for me, which I enclos'd in my letter. The committee approv'd, and used such diligence that, conducted by my son, the stores arrived at the camp as soon as the waggons. They consisted of twenty parcels, each containing

6 lbs. loaf sugar.

1 Gloucester cheese.

6 lbs. good Muscovado do.

1 kegg containing 20 lbs. good butter.

1 lb. good green tea.

1 lb. good bohea do.

2 doz. old Madeira wine.

6 lbs. good ground coffee.

2 gallons Jamaica spirits.

6 lbs. chocolate.

1 bottle flour of mustard.

1-2 cwt. best white biscuit.

2 well-cur'd hams.

1-2 lb. pepper.

1-2 dozen dry'd tongues.

1 quart best white wine vinegar

6 lbs. rice.

6 lbs. raisins.

These twenty parcels, well pack'd, were placed on as many horses, each parcel, with the horse, being intended as a present for one officer. They were very thankfully receiv'd, and the kindness acknowledg'd by letters to me from the colonels of both regiments, in the most grateful terms. The general, too, was highly satisfied with my conduct in procuring him the waggons, etc., and readily paid my account of disbursements, thanking me repeatedly, and requesting my farther assistance in sending provisions after him. I undertook this also, and was busily employ'd in it till we heard of his defeat, advancing for the service of my own money, upwards of one thousand pounds sterling, of which I sent him an account. It came to his hands, luckily for me, a few days before the battle, and he return'd me immediately an order on the paymaster for the round sum of one thousand pounds, leaving the remainder to the next account. I consider this payment as good luck, having never been able to obtain that remainder, of which more hereafter.

我在军营中时，有天晚上和邓巴上校部队的军官们共进晚餐，邓巴上校向我诉说了他对部下们的关切，他说他们基本都不富裕，在这个物价高昂的地方，他们无力购买并储存足够数量的物品以备长途跋涉所需，穿越荒野时又无处去买了。我对他们的境况表示同情，决心设法为他们减轻些负担。但我并没告诉他我的打算，只是第二天早上给议会负责管理一些公款的委员会写了封信，热忱希望他们能考虑这些军官的情况，建议给他们赠送些必需品和食物作为礼物。我的儿子曾有过军营生活的经验，了解其所需之物，就给我列了张清单，我也随信附上了。委员会同意了此事，并予以迅速办理，以至车马的队伍抵达军营时，由我的儿子护送的必需品也到了。运去的必需品共有20袋，每袋中有：

糖块6磅

格洛斯特硬干酪1块

上等黑砂糖6磅

上等牛油1桶（20磅）

上等绿茶1磅

上等红茶1磅

陈年马德拉白葡萄酒2打

上等咖啡粉6磅

牙买加酒2加仑

巧克力6磅

芥末粉1瓶

上等白饼干半英担

上等腌制火腿2只

胡椒粉半磅

舌脯半打

上等白酒醋1夸脱

大米6磅

葡萄干6磅

这20大袋东西包装完好，由20匹马驮着，每袋东西和一匹马一起作为礼物送给一名军官。军官们收下了这些礼物，十分感激，两个团的上校都写信给我，感谢我们的善举，言辞间充满了感激之情。将军也对我为他征得车辆等物十分满意，欣然把我垫付的钱支付给我，还再三感谢我，请我继续协助他运输粮草。我将此事也承担了下来，并一直为此忙碌，直至听说他战败。我为此垫付了1,000英镑，把账单寄给了他。幸运的是，账单在开战前几天到了他手里，他立即寄给我一张汇单，让我向军队出纳员支取1,000镑整，余下数目并入下次账目。我认为能收回这笔钱款十分幸运，因为余数就再也没能收回，这是后话了。

This general was, I think, a brave man, and might probably have made a figure as a good officer in some European war. But he had too much self-confidence, too high an opinion of the validity of regular troops, and too mean a one of both Americans and Indians. George Croghan, our Indian interpreter, join'd him on his march with one hundred of those people, who might have been of great use to his army as guides, scouts, etc., if he had treated them kindly; but he slighted and neglected them, and they gradually left him.

In conversation with him one day, he was giving me some account of his intended progress. "After taking Fort Duquesne," says he, "I am to proceed to Niagara; and, having taken that, to Frontenac, if the season will allow time; and I suppose it will, for Duquesne can hardly detain me above three or four days; and then I see nothing that can obstruct my march to Niagara." Having before revolv'd in my mind the long line his army must make in their march by a very narrow road, to be cut for them thro' the woods and bushes, and also what I had read of a former defeat of fifteen hundred French, who invaded the Iroquois country, I had conceiv'd some doubts and some fears for the event of the campaign. But I ventur'd only to say, "To be sure, sir, if you arrive well before Duquesne, with these fine troops, so well provided with artillery, that place not yet completely fortified, and as we hear with no very strong garrison, can probably make but a short resistance. The only danger I apprehend of obstruction to your march is from ambuscades of Indians, who, by constant practice, are dexterous in laying and executing them; and the slender line, near four miles long, which your army must make, may expose it to be attack'd by surprise in its flanks, and to be cut like a thread into several pieces, which, from their distance, can not come up in time to support each other."

我认为这位将军是个勇敢的人，在某些欧洲战争中，他也许能成为一位优秀的军官。但他过于自信，对常规军的战斗力估计过高，而又太过蔑视美洲军队及印第安军队的战斗力。我们的印第安语翻译乔治·克罗根带着100名印第安人加入了他的行军队伍，如将军能善待他们，他们也许能担任向导、侦察员等，对他的军队发挥很大作用，但他轻视、忽略了他们，他们也就渐渐离开了他。

有天我和他谈话，他告诉了我他的一些计划。他说：“夺取迪尤肯堡后，我要进军尼亚加拉，攻下尼亚加拉后，如果季节合适，就进攻弗隆特纳克。我想这可以实现，因为攻下迪尤肯堡最多需要三四天时间，然后就没有什么能够阻挡我向尼亚加拉进发了。”我早就想到他的军队得在一条很窄的路上行进，队伍必然拉得很长，一定会被树林和灌木丛隔断，此外我在书上读到，之前法国一支1,500人的部队攻打易洛魁郡时吃了败仗，因此对他的这次作战能否取胜有些怀疑和担忧。但我只敢对他说：“当然，先生，如果您带领这样一支备有足够火炮的精锐之师顺利抵达迪尤肯堡，而那里的防御工事又尚未筑好，加上我们听说那儿的驻军力量也并不强大，所以他们可能抵抗不了多久。我所担心阻碍行军的唯一危险是印第安人的埋伏，他们不断练习，在设陷阱、伏击方面行动敏捷灵巧，到时您的军队一定绵延近四英里，两侧可能会遭遇突然袭击，如一条线一样被切为数截，由于距离太远，他们也不能及时相互支援。”

He smil'd at my ignorance, and reply'd, "These savages may, indeed, be a formidable enemy to your raw American militia, but upon the king's regular and disciplin'd troops, sir, it is impossible they should make any impression." I was conscious of an impropriety in my disputing with a military man in matters of his profession, and said no more. The enemy, however, did not take the advantage of his army which I apprehended its long line of march expos'd it to, but let it advance without interruption till within nine miles of the place; and then, when more in a body (for it had just passed a river, where the front had halted till all were come over), and in a more open part of the woods than any it had pass'd, attack'd its advanced guard by a heavy fire from behind trees and bushes, which was the first intelligence the general had of an enemy's being near him. This guard being disordered, the general hurried the troops up to their assistance, which was done in great confusion, thro' waggons, baggage, and cattle; and presently the fire came upon their flank: the officers, being on horseback, were more easily distinguish'd, pick'd out as marks, and fell very fast; and the soldiers were crowded together in a huddle, having or hearing no orders, and standing to be shot at till two-thirds of them were killed; and then, being seiz'd with a panick, the whole fled with precipitation.

The waggoners took each a horse out of his team and scamper'd; their example was immediately followed by others; so that all the waggons, provisions, artillery, and stores were left to the enemy. The general, being wounded, was brought off with difficulty; his secretary, Mr. Shirley, was killed by his side; and out of eighty-six officers, sixty-three were killed or wounded, and seven hundred and fourteen men killed out of eleven hundred. These eleven hundred had been picked men from the whole army; the rest had been left behind with Colonel Dunbar, who was to follow with the heavier part of the stores, provisions, and baggage. The flyers, not being pursu'd, arriv'd at Dunbar's camp, and the panick they brought with them instantly seiz'd him and all his people; and, tho' he had now above one thousand men, and the enemy who had beaten Braddock did not at most exceed four hundred Indians and French together, instead of proceeding, and endeavoring to recover some of the lost honour, he ordered all the stores, ammunition, etc., to be destroy'd, that he might have more horses to assist his flight towards the settlements, and less lumber to remove. He was there met with requests from the governors of Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, that he would post his troops on the frontiers, so as to afford some protection to the inhabitants; but he continu'd his hasty march thro' all the country, not thinking himself safe till he arriv'd at Philadelphia, where the inhabitants could protect him. This whole transaction gave us Americans the first suspicion that our exalted ideas of the prowess of British regulars had not been well founded.

他笑我无知，答道：“这些野蛮人对你们那未经训练的美洲民兵团来说可能的确是个可怕的敌人，但是先生，对英国国王训练有素的常规军而言，他们根本不值一提。”我意识到自己与一位军人就他的本行争论并不妥当，于是没再多说。但是敌人并没利用我担忧的行进队伍太长这一点进行攻击，而是任其前进至离目的地9英里以内的地方，不加阻挠。当时部队已基本集中起来（因为部队刚刚渡河，前方士兵停止了行进，等待后面部队全都过河），来到一处比之前途径的任何地方都更为开阔的林间空地上，就在此处，敌人从树木和灌木丛后用重型火力向其前哨部队发起袭击，而直至此时，将军才知道敌人就在附近。前哨部队方寸大乱，将军立即派大部队前去支援，由于要穿过马车、行李和牲口，部队陷入极大混乱中。此时敌人已向他们侧翼开火，军官们骑在马上，更易被辨认出来当成射击目标，很快就摔落马下。士兵们挤作一堆，没人向他们发号施令，或是根本听不到，只是站在那里挨枪子儿，直到三分之二的人被杀死，这时人们才都惊慌失措，仓促逃散了。

车夫们各自从马车联队上解下一匹马，急忙逃走了，其他人立即效仿，于是所有马车、粮食、炮弹和其他储备都留给了敌人。将军负了伤，被艰难救出，他的秘书雪利先生在他身边中弹身亡，86名军官中有63名伤亡，1,100名士兵中有714名丧命。这1,100名士兵是从全军中挑选出来的，余下部队还在后面，由邓巴上校率领，他押运着大部分储备物资、粮食和行李跟随在后面。逃走的士兵没有人追赶，逃到了邓巴的军营里，他们的恐慌立即传给了邓巴和他的部下，尽管他现在麾下拥有1,000多名士兵，而打败布雷多克的敌军加起来最多不超过400名的印第安人和法国人。邓巴命令军队停止前进，并没有努力挽回一些失去的颜面，反而下令将所有物资储备、军火等全都毁掉，以腾出更多马匹助他逃回驻地，不至于太过累赘难以前进。他在那儿接到弗吉尼亚、马里兰和宾夕法尼亚总督们的请求，请他驻军于前线，为居民们提供保护。但邓巴上校仍然匆忙前进，穿过诸州，直到抵达费城才感到安全，因为费城居民可以保护他。我们美洲人一向认为英国常规军英勇善战，对他们充满敬意，这整件事情使我们第一次产生怀疑，原来心怀的敬意是毫无理由的。

In their first march, too, from their landing till they got beyond the settlements, they had plundered and stripped the inhabitants, totally ruining some poor families, besides insulting, abusing, and confining the people if they remonstrated. This was enough to put us out of conceit of such defenders, if we had really wanted any. How different was the conduct of our French friends in 1781, who, during a march thro' the most inhabited part of our country from Rhode Island to Virginia, near seven hundred miles, occasioned not the smallest complaint for the loss of a pig, a chicken, or even an apple.

Captain Orme, who was one of the general's aids-de-camp, and, being grievously wounded, was brought off with him, and continu'd with him to his death, which happen'd in a few days, told me that he was totally silent all the first day, and at night only said, "Who would have thought it?" That he was silent again the following day, saying only at last, "We shall better know how to deal with them another time;" and dy'd in a few minutes after.

也是在英国常规军第一次行军中，从登陆美洲直到离开驻地，他们抢掠居民的财物，使一些穷困家庭完全破产；如遇反抗，他们则对反抗者大肆辱骂，虐待囚禁，无所不用。即使我们果真需要保卫者，如此行径也足以使我们对这等保卫者心生厌烦了。这与1781年我们法国朋友的表现是多么不一样啊！我们的法国朋友从罗得岛向弗吉尼亚前进，途径本州人口密度最大的地区，全程近700英里，却丝毫未引起人们的任何抱怨，连丢失一头猪、一只鸡、甚至一个苹果的怨言也未曾听说。

奥姆上校是这位将军的一位副官，他受了重伤，和将军一起得救，直至几天后将军去世，他们一直都在一起。他告诉我，将军头一天一言不发，直到夜里才说：“谁能想得到啊！”第二天，将军仍然沉默不语，最后只说了一句：“我们下次就知道如何对付他们了。”几分钟后他就去世了。

The secretary's papers, with all the general's orders, instructions, and correspondence, falling into the enemy's hands, they selected and translated into French a number of the articles, which they printed, to prove the hostile intentions of the British court before the declaration of war. Among these I saw some letters of the general to the ministry, speaking highly of the great service I had rendered the army, and recommending me to their notice. David Hume, too, who was some years after secretary to Lord Hertford, when minister in France, and afterward to General Conway, when secretary of state, told me he had seen among the papers in that office, letters from Braddock highly recommending me. But, the expedition having been unfortunate, my service, it seems, was not thought of much value, for those recommendations were never of any use to me.

As to rewards from himself, I ask'd only one, which was, that he would give orders to his officers not to enlist any more of our bought servants, and that he would discharge such as had been already enlisted. This he readily granted, and several were accordingly return'd to their masters, on my application. Dunbar, when the command devolv'd on him, was not so generous. He being at Philadelphia, on his retreat, or rather flight, I apply'd to him for the discharge of the servants of three poor farmers of Lancaster county that he had enlisted, reminding him of the late general's orders on that bead. He promised me that, if the masters would come to him at Trenton, where he should be in a few days on his march to New York, he would there deliver their men to them. They accordingly were at the expense and trouble of going to Trenton, and there he refus'd to perform his promise, to their great loss and disappointment.

As soon as the loss of the waggons and horses was generally known, all the owners came upon me for the valuation which I had given bond to pay. Their demands gave me a great deal of trouble, my acquainting them that the money was ready in the paymaster's hands, but that orders for paying it must first be obtained from General Shirley, and my assuring them that I had apply'd to that general by letter; but, he being at a distance, an answer could not soon be receiv'd, and they must have patience, all this was not sufficient to satisfy, and some began to sue me. General Shirley at length relieved me from this terrible situation by appointing commissioners to examine the claims, and ordering payment. They amounted to near twenty thousand pound, which to pay would have ruined me.

秘书的文件全都落入敌军手里，包括将军的命令、指示以及来往信函等，他们从中挑选了许多文章并将其翻译成法语，刊印出来以证明英国王室在宣战之前已怀有敌意。其中我看到有几封将军写给内阁的信，他在信中对我为军队所做的一切赞誉有加，并请内阁对我多加注意。大卫·休姆数年后成为时任驻法公使的赫特福德特勋爵的秘书，后来康韦威将军担任国务卿时又为他担任秘书，他也告诉我，他曾在那间办公室的文件之中看到布雷多克将军极力举荐我的信。但是这次远征以失败告终，人们似乎认为我所做的工作没什么价值，因为那些推荐从未对我起过什么作用。

至于将军本人对我的酬谢，我只向他要求过一件事，那就是请他命令他的军官不要再征募我们的雇工，已被征用的请将他们释放。他立即答应了，根据我的要求，有几位雇工被送还到他们的主人那儿。将军把职权移交给邓巴后，邓巴就没那么慷慨了。他撤退或者说逃奔至费城时，我请他释放他所征募的兰开斯特郡三位贫农的雇工，还提醒他已故将军曾对此有过指示。他答应我说，他即将前往纽约，几天后应该能到特伦顿，如果这些雇工的主人们去特伦顿找他，他可以在那把雇工还给他们。于是他们花费金钱不辞辛苦地赶到特伦顿，他却拒绝履行自己的承诺，使他们蒙受极大的损失，也十分失望。

车辆和马匹受到折损的消息一传开，所有车马主都来找我，让我根据担保给予赔偿。他们的要求给我造成很大麻烦，我告诉他们那笔钱已在军队出纳员手中，但还需等待雪利将军的命令才能支付，我向他们保证已写信向将军申请，但由于相距遥远，回信到来还需时日，请他们一定要有耐心。这一切还不能使他们满意，有人开始要起诉我。终于，雪利将军指定了几位委员前来审查这些要求，并下令支付赔款，这才使我从那可怕的局面中解脱出来。全部赔款接近两万镑，如果由我来付，我只能破产了。

Before we had the news of this defeat, the two Doctors Bond came to me with a subscription paper for raising money to defray the expense of a grand firework, which it was intended to exhibit at a rejoicing on receipt of the news of our taking Fort Duquesne. I looked grave, and said it would, I thought, be time enough to prepare for the rejoicing when we knew we should have occasion to rejoice. They seem'd surpris'd that I did not immediately comply with their proposal. "Why the d--l!" says one of them, "you surely don't suppose that the fort will not be taken?" "I don't know that it will not be taken, but I know that the events of war are subject to great uncertainty." I gave them the reasons of my doubting; the subscription was dropt, and the projectors thereby missed the mortification they would have undergone if the firework had been prepared. Dr. Bond, on some other occasion afterward, said that he did not like Franklin's forebodings.

Governor Morris, who had continually worried the Assembly with message after message before the defeat of Braddock, to beat them into the making of acts to raise money for the defense of the province, without taxing, among others, the proprietary estates, and had rejected all their bills for not having such an exempting clause, now redoubled his attacks with more hope of success, the danger and necessity being greater. The Assembly, however, continu'd firm, believing they had justice on their side, and that it would be giving up an essential right if they suffered the governor to amend their money-bills. In one of the last, indeed, which was for granting fifty thousand pounds, his propos'd amendment was only of a single word. The bill expressed "that all estates, real and personal, were to be taxed, those of the proprietaries not excepted." His amendment was, for not read only: a small, but very material alteration. However, when the news of this disaster reached England, our friends there, whom we had taken care to furnish with all the Assembly's answers to the governor's messages, rais'd a clamor against the proprietaries for their meanness and injustice in giving their governor such instructions; some going so far as to say that, by obstructing the defense of their province, they forfeited their right to it. They were intimidated by this, and sent orders to their receiver-general to add five thousand pounds of their money to whatever sum might be given by the Assembly for such purpose.

我们得知战败的消息之前，有两位邦德医生带着募捐册前来找我，为一场盛大的烟火表演集资，准备在我们得知攻下迪尤肯堡的消息后举办的庆祝会上展示。我表情严肃地说，我认为等我们确认有庆祝的机会时再来筹备也不迟。他们似乎对我没有立即响应他们的提议感到惊奇，其中一位说：“见鬼！你不会认为这堡垒我们攻不下吧？”“我不认为我们攻不下这堡垒，但我知道战争之事变数太多。”我告诉了他们使我心存疑虑的原因，于是募捐就此作罢，也使募捐发起者避免了若果真准备了烟火所产生的窘迫。后来在另一个场合，邦德医生说他不喜欢富兰克林对不祥之事的预知。

布雷多克战败之前，莫里斯总督发表了一篇又一篇咨文烦扰议会，想促使议会制定法案为本州防卫筹集资金，但征税对象不包括领主的财产，凡是没有这一免税条款的议案，总督一律否决。后来情势愈加危急，防卫也变得愈加必要，总督自认为成功的希望加大，就变本加厉，对此事催得更紧了。但议会依然固守立场，相信正义属于他们，如果他们任由总督修改财政法案，那么议会就放弃了一项基本权利。最后各议案中，有一项议案是关于拨款五万镑的，的确，总督只修改了其中一个字。议案是这样表述的：“所有财产，无论不动产或动产，都应缴税，领主的财产不可例外。”总督的改动非常小，但却十分关键：他把“不”字改成了“唯”字。我们一直都将议会对总督文章的所有答复特地寄给我们在英格兰的朋友。战败的消息传至英格兰后，朋友们都义愤填膺，纷纷指责领主们卑鄙吝啬，违背公义，居然向总督下达这样的指示，有人甚至说他们既然阻碍本州的防卫事务，实际就是放弃他们在该州的权利。此种言论让他们备感压力，于是命令他们的财务总管从他们的收入中捐出5,000镑给议会，不管议会通过用于防卫的款项到底是多少。

This, being notified to the House, was accepted in lieu of their share of a general tax, and a new bill was form'd, with an exempting clause, which passed accordingly. By this act I was appointed one of the commissioners for disposing of the money, sixty thousand pounds. I had been active in modelling the bill and procuring its passage, and had, at the same time, drawn a bill for establishing and disciplining of a voluntary militia, which I carried thro' the House without much difficulty, as care was taken in it to leave the Quakers at their liberty. To promote the association necessary to form the militia, I wrote a dialogue, stating and answering all the objections I could think of to such a militia, which was printed, and had, as I thought, great effect.

While the several companies in the city and country were forming and learning their exercise, the governor prevail'd with me to take charge of our North-western frontier, which was infested by the enemy, and provide for the defense of the inhabitants by raising troops and building a line of forts. I undertook this military business, tho' I did not conceive myself well qualified for it. He gave me a commission with full powers, and a parcel of blank commissions for officers, to be given to whom I thought fit. I had but little difficulty in raising men, having soon five hundred and sixty under my command. My son, who had in the preceding war been an officer in the army rais'd against Canada, was my aid-de-camp, and of great use to me. The Indians had burned Gnadenhut, a village settled by the Moravians, and massacred the inhabitants; but the place was thought a good situation for one of the forts.

议会得知此事后，接受了这笔款项，用以代替领主们的应缴税款。议会还制定了一项含免税条款的新议案，也得到通过。根据这一议案，我被指定为委员之一，负责处理这笔六万镑的钱款。我积极参与了议案的起草工作，并使其获得通过，同时我还提出一项建立并训练志愿部队的议案，也毫不费力地使它在议会中通过了，因为议案特别注意了贵格会信徒可自由选择是否应征。为了尽快成立一个建立部队所需的筹备委员会，我写了一篇问答文章，列举并回答了所有我能想到的反对成立此部队的意见，并将它刊印出来，我认为这篇文章产生了很好的效果。

当城市和乡村已有数支连队组织起来并进行操练时，总督说服我管理我们饱受敌军骚扰的西北边界，并组织军队、修建堡垒、保卫人民。我承担了这项军事任务，尽管我认为自己并不怎么够格。总督向我授予了全权委任状，还有一沓空白委任状，可授予我认为合适的人。在征募军队上我没遇到什么困难，很快就召集了560人在我麾下。之前的战争中，我的儿子在对抗加拿大的部队里担任军官，这时成为我的副官，对我帮助很大。印第安人烧毁了纳登赫特村，这是摩拉维亚教徒的居住地，还屠杀了村民，但此地却是一个修建堡垒的有利位置。

In order to march thither, I assembled the companies at Bethlehem, the chief establishment of those people. I was surprised to find it in so good a posture of defense; the destruction of Gnadenhut had made them apprehend danger. The principal buildings were defended by a stockade; they had purchased a quantity of arms and ammunition from New York, and had even plac'd quantities of small paving stones between the windows of their high stone houses, for their women to throw down upon the heads of any Indians that should attempt to force into them. The armed brethren, too, kept watch, and reliev'd as methodically as in any garrison town. In conversation with the bishop, Spangenberg, I mention'd this my surprise; for, knowing they had obtained an act of Parliament exempting them from military duties in the colonies, I had suppos'd they were conscientiously scrupulous of bearing arms. He answer'd me that it was not one of their established principles, but that, at the time of their obtaining that act, it was thought to be a principle with many of their people. On this occasion, however, they, to their surprise, found it adopted by but a few. It seems they were either deceiv'd in themselves, or deceiv'd the Parliament; but common sense, aided by present danger, will sometimes be too strong for whimsical opinions.

It was the beginning of January when we set out upon this business of building forts. I sent one detachment toward the Minisink, with instructions to erect one for the security of that upper part of the country, and another to the lower part, with similar instructions; and I concluded to go myself with the rest of my force to Gnadenhut, where a fort was tho't more immediately necessary. The Moravians procur'd me five waggons for our tools, stores, baggage, etc.

Just before we left Bethlehem, eleven farmers, who had been driven from their plantations by the Indians, came to me requesting a supply of firearms, that they might go back and fetch off their cattle. I gave them each a gun with suitable ammunition. We had not march'd many miles before it began to rain, and it continued raining all day; there were no habitations on the road to shelter us, till we arriv'd near night at the house of a German, where, and in his barn, we were all huddled together, as wet as water could make us. It was well we were not attack'd in our march, for our arms were of the most ordinary sort, and our men could not keep their gun locks dry. The Indians are dextrous in contrivances for that purpose, which we had not. They met that day the eleven poor farmers above mentioned, and killed ten of them. The one who escap'd inform'd that his and his companions' guns would not go off, the priming being wet with the rain.

为向纳登赫特进军，我把军队集中在伯利恒，这是摩拉维亚教徒最主要的居住区。我很惊讶地发现，此地防卫准备非常齐全，因为纳登赫特村被毁，这里的人们也意识到了危险。他们的主要建筑都用栅栏围住，还从纽约购买了许多武器和军火，他们甚至还在高大石屋的窗户间放置了许多小铺路石，如有印第安人想强闯入室，妇女们可以用石子砸他们的头。武装的弟兄们也站岗放哨，和城里的驻军一样按时换班。与斯庞博格主教交谈时，我说这里的防卫令我感到惊讶，因为我知道他们已获得议会的豁免法案特许，免除他们在殖民地的兵役，我以为他们从内心并不愿意拿起武器武装起来。主教回答我说，反对兵役并不是他们的教义之一，但那项豁免法案通过时，人们以为他们的许多信徒是反对兵役的。但是这一次，他们惊讶地发现只有少数人秉持这一原则。看来他们不是欺骗了自己，就是欺骗了议会，但现在身处险境之中，常识的力量有时会变得非常强大，足以克制住那些古怪念头。

一月初，我们开始着手修建堡垒。我派了一支小分队前往密尼辛克，命令他们修建一座堡垒，保护该郡的高地地区，然后又派了一支小分队前往低洼地区，执行同样的命令。最后，我自己率领剩余部队前往纳登赫特，那儿更是需要立即修建一座堡垒。摩拉维亚教徒为我准备了五辆马车，驮着我们的工具、物资以及行李等。

有11位农民被印第安人从自己的农场里赶了出来，就在我们离开伯利恒前，他们前来找我，请我为他们提供一些武器，这样他们可以回去把他们的牲口抢回来。我给他们每人一把枪和相配的子弹。我们还没有走多少英里的路，天就开始下雨了，一整天都没停。我们在路上没有找到避雨的地方，直到快要入夜，才到了一个德国人家里，我们在他家的谷仓里挤在一起，浑身湿透了。还好我们路上没有遭遇袭击，因为我们的武器都是最普通的，士兵们无法使枪机部位保持干燥。印第安人深谙保持武器干燥之道，我们却不知如何是好。那天，印第安人遇到了那11位可怜的农民，杀了其中10位。得以逃脱的那个人告诉我们，他和同伴们的枪打不出子弹来，因为点火器已被雨淋湿了。

The next day being fair, we continu'd our march, and arriv'd at the desolated Gnadenhut. There was a saw-mill near, round which were left several piles of boards, with which we soon hutted ourselves; an operation the more necessary at that inclement season, as we had no tents. Our first work was to bury more effectually the dead we found there, who had been half interr'd by the country people.

The next morning our fort was plann'd and mark'd out, the circumference measuring four hundred and fifty-five feet, which would require as many palisades to be made of trees, one with another, of a foot diameter each. Our axes, of which we had seventy, were immediately set to work to cut down trees, and, our men being dextrous in the use of them, great despatch was made. Seeing the trees fall so fast, I had the curiosity to look at my watch when two men began to cut at a pine; in six minutes they had it upon the ground, and I found it of fourteen inches diameter. Each pine made three palisades of eighteen feet long, pointed at one end. While these were preparing, our other men dug a trench all round, of three feet deep, in which the palisades were to be planted; and, our waggons, the bodys being taken off, and the fore and hind wheels separated by taking out the pin which united the two parts of the perch, we had ten carriages, with two horses each, to bring the palisades from the woods to the spot. When they were set up, our carpenters built a stage of boards all round within, about six feet high, for the men to stand on when to fire thro' the loopholes. We had one swivel gun, which we mounted on one of the angles, and fir'd it as soon as fix'd, to let the Indians know, if any were within hearing, that we had such pieces; and thus our fort, if such a magnificent name may be given to so miserable a stockade, was finish'd in a week, though it rain'd so hard every other day that the men could not work.

第二天天气晴朗，我们继续前进，抵达了荒凉的纳登赫特。附近有一家锯木厂，周围留下了几堆木板，我们很快就用这些木板搭了棚屋来栖身。这在天气恶劣时更为必要，因为我们没有帐篷。我们的首要工作是把我们见到的尸体更妥善地安葬，此前当地乡民们只是将他们草草埋了。

第二天早上，我们对要建的堡垒作好规划，并在地基上标记了出来，其周长为455英尺，这需要455根木块做成栅栏，一一排开，每根木块直径为一英尺。我们有70把斧头，全都立即派上了用场，用来砍树，士兵们斧头用得都很熟练，很快就砍伐了很多木材。看到树木这么快地倒下，当两个人开始砍一棵松树时，我好奇地读表计时。他们只用6分钟就把树伐倒了，而我发现那棵树直径为14英寸。每株松树的木材可制三根18英尺长的木块，一端为尖头。他们正在准备这些时，其他人在四周挖掘3英尺深的壕沟，把木制栅栏插进去。我们把马车车身卸下，把连接车辆两段连杆的销子拔出来，以使前后轮分开，这样我们就有10辆马车了，每辆车配有两匹马，可以把木块从树林里运至修建地点。栅栏修建起来后，我们的木匠沿着栅栏在其内部搭建了一个木制的台子，约6英尺高，供人们透过枪眼开火时站在上面。我们有一尊旋转炮，我们把它架在一个角上，放置好后立即开了一炮，如果附近有印第安人能听到的话好让他们知道，我们也有这样的武器。就这样，我们的堡垒——如果“堡垒”这样一个宏大的名词能用来形容这么简陋的栅栏的话——在一周之内就修建完毕，尽管这里每隔一天就下一场大雨，使人们无法工作。

This gave me occasion to observe, that, when men are employ'd, they are best content'd; for on the days they worked they were good-natur'd and cheerful, and, with the consciousness of having done a good day's work, they spent the evening jollily; but on our idle days they were mutinous and quarrelsome, finding fault with their pork, the bread, etc., and in continual ill-humor, which put me in mind of a sea-captain, whose rule it was to keep his men constantly at work; and, when his mate once told him that they had done every thing, and there was nothing further to employ them about, "Oh," says he, "Make them scour the anchor."

This kind of fort, however contemptible, is a sufficient defense against Indians, who have no cannon. Finding ourselves now posted securely, and having a place to retreat to on occasion, we ventur'd out in parties to scour the adjacent country. We met with no Indians, but we found the places on the neighboring hills where they had lain to watch our proceedings. There was an art in their contrivance of those places, that seems worth mention. It being winter, a fire was necessary for them; but a common fire on the surface of the ground would by its light have discovered their position at a distance. They had therefore dug holes in the ground about three feet diameter, and somewhat deeper; we saw where they had with their hatchets cut off the charcoal from the sides of burnt logs lying in the woods. With these coals they had made small fires in the bottom of the holes, and we observ'd among the weeds and grass the prints of their bodies, made by their laying all round, with their legs hanging down in the holes to keep their feet warm, which, with them, is an essential point. This kind of fire, so manag'd, could not discover them, either by its light, flame, sparks, or even smoke: it appear'd that their number was not great, and it seems they saw we were too many to be attacked by them with prospect of advantage.

这件事使我有机会观察到，人们工作时是最为满足的。那些工作的日子里，人们和蔼可亲，十分愉快，意识到自己很好地工作了一天后，他们晚上会非常快乐；而无所事事的日子里，人们暴躁不已，总想争吵，挑剔猪肉、面包等食物，经常发脾气。这使我想起一位船长，他的原则是使水手们不停地工作，有一次大副告诉他说水手们干完了所有的活儿，再没别的工作可做了，他说：“哦，让他们擦擦铁锚吧。”

这种堡垒不管如何简陋，抵御没有大炮的印第安人已是绰绰有余。我们现在已经做好安全防备，有情况发生时也有路可退，于是就大胆地结队在附近搜寻。我们没有遇到印第安人，但在附近小山上发现了他们的潜伏之处，他们就在此监视我们的活动。他们的藏身之所设计精妙，值得一提。当时是冬天，生火对他们来说是必需的，但如果在地面上用平常方法生火，其光亮在远处也能看得见，他们的位置就因此暴露了。于是他们在地上凿了一些直径约为三英尺、深度超过三英尺的大坑，我们在坑里发现了木炭，那是他们用短斧在树林里被火烧过的木头边缘砍下的，他们就用这些木炭在坑底生起小火。我们还在杂草丛中发现了他们身体留下的痕迹，他们躺在坑边，两腿垂到坑里取暖，对他们来说，双腿的保暖是十分重要的。如此设计的生火方式就不会使他们暴露，不会让我们看到火光、火焰、火星，甚至是升起的烟。他们似乎人数并不多，可能见我们人多势众，觉得袭击我们也没有取胜的希望。

We had for our chaplain a zealous Presbyterian minister, Mr. Beatty, who complained to me that the men did not generally attend his prayers and exhortations. When they enlisted, they were promised, besides pay and provisions, a gill[6] of rum a day, which was punctually serv'd out to them, half in the morning, and the other half in the evening; and I observ'd they were as punctual in attending to receive it; upon which I said to Mr.Beatty, "It is, perhaps, below the dignity of your profession to act as steward of the rum, but if you were to deal it out and only just after prayers, you would have them all about you." He liked the tho't, undertook the office, and, with the help of a few hands to measure out the liquor, executed it to satisfaction, and never were prayers more generally and more punctually attended; so that I thought this method preferable to the punishment inflicted by some military laws for non-attendance on divine service.

I had hardly finish'd this business, and got my fort well stor'd with provisions, when I receiv'd a letter from the governor, acquainting me that he had call'd the Assembly, and wished my attendance there, if the posture of affairs on the frontiers was such that my remaining there was no longer necessary. My friends, too, of the Assembly, pressing me by their letters to be, if possible, at the meeting, and my three intended forts being now compleated, and the inhabitants contented to remain on their farms under that protection, I resolved to return; the more willingly, as a New England officer, Colonel Clapham, experienced in Indian war, being on a visit to our establishment, consented to accept the command. I gave him a commission, and, parading the garrison, had it read before them, and introduc'd him to them as an officer who, from his skill in military affairs, was much more fit to command them than myself; and, giving them a little exhortation, took my leave. I was escorted as far as Bethlehem, where I rested a few days to recover from the fatigue I had undergone. The first night, being in a good bed, I could hardly sleep, it was so different from my hard lodging on the floor of our hut at Gnaden wrapt only in a blanket or two.

我们有一位热心的长老会牧师比蒂先生担任我们的随军牧师，他向我抱怨说，士兵们基本不来听他祈祷和布道。士兵们应征入伍时，除了薪水和伙食外，我们还允诺每天发给他们一吉耳朗姆酒。酒每天按时分发，早晚各发一半，我观察到士兵们总是准时领酒，就对比蒂先生说：“也许让您给他们发酒太辱没了您，但如果由您来分发，且只在祈祷会后发酒的话，他们全都会参加的。”比蒂先生认为这个办法很好，就担下了这个工作，有几个人帮他斟量，整件事情都很圆满，士兵们从未这样齐整、这样准时地参加祈祷会。因此我认为，对于不出席宗教仪式的人，用这个办法比用军法惩治要好。

我刚完成这项任务，为堡垒储备好粮草，就收到了总督的一封来信，他告诉我他已召集议会，如果边境事务进行顺利，无需我留在此处的话，那么他希望我回去出席。我在议会的朋友们也写信给我，催促我如果可能的话，就回去参加议会会议。当时我计划兴建的三座堡垒已经完工，居民们有了堡垒的保护，也安居于自家农场，于是我决定回去。更幸运的是，一位曾参加过印第安战争的新英格兰军官克拉彭上校正在我们的驻地访问，他答应接替我担任指挥官，这使我更能放心回去了。我把委任状授予克拉彭上校，部队检阅时，又把委任状当众宣读出来，并向士兵们介绍了他，说他拥有很高的军事才能，比我更能胜任指挥官一职，然后我向士兵们作了一番训诫，就离开了。我被护送到伯利恒，在此休息了几日，从疲劳中恢复了过来。躺在舒适的床上，第一夜我难以入睡，在纳登赫特时，仅仅裹着一两条毯子在棚屋内席地而睡，十分艰苦，现在与那时真是天差地别啊。

While at Bethlehem, I inquir'd a little into the practice of the Moravians: some of them had accompanied me, and all were very kind to me. I found they work'd for a common stock, eat at common tables, and slept in common dormitories, great numbers together. In the dormitories I observed loopholes, at certain distances all along just under the ceiling, which I thought judiciously placed for change of air. I was at their church, where I was entertain'd with good musick, the organ being accompanied with violins, hautboys, flutes, clarinets, etc. I understood that their sermons were not usually preached to mixed congregations of men, women, and children, as is our common practice, but that they assembled sometimes the married men, at other times their wives, then the young men, the young women, and the little children, each division by itself. The sermon I heard was to the latter, who came in and were plac'd in rows on benches; the boys under the conduct of a young man, their tutor, and the girls conducted by a young woman. The discourse seem'd well adapted to their capacities, and was deliver'd in a pleasing, familiar manner, coaxing them, as it were, to be good. They behav'd very orderly, but looked pale and unhealthy, which made me suspect they were kept too much within doors, or not allow'd sufficient exercise.

I inquir'd concerning the Moravian marriages, whether the report was true that they were by lot. I was told that lots were us'd only in particular cases; that generally, when a young man found himself dispos'd to marry, he inform'd the elders of his class, who consulted the elder ladies that govern'd the young women. As these elders of the different sexes were well acquainted with the tempers and dispositions of their respective pupils, they could best judge what matches were suitable, and their judgments were generally acquiesc'd in; but if, for example, it should happen that two or three young women were found to be equally proper for the young man, the lot was then recurred to. I objected, if the matches are not made by the mutual choice of the parties, some of them may chance to be very unhappy. "And so they may," answer'd my informer, "if you let the parties chuse for themselves;" which, indeed, I could not deny.

在伯利恒时，我稍微了解了一些摩拉维亚教徒的习俗。他们有几个陪伴着我，都对我很友好。我发现他们集体劳动，吃集体伙食，许多人一起住在集体宿舍里。我看到他们宿舍靠近天花板的四周墙上，每隔一定距离就有些小孔，我想这是为了使空气流通。我还去了他们的教堂，在那儿欣赏到了美妙的音乐，是管风琴与小提琴、双簧管、长笛、单簧管等乐器的合奏。我知道他们不像我们通常那样，把男女老少各类人群集合起来统一传道，他们有时召集已婚男子进行布道，有时召集已婚妇女，还有年轻男子、年轻女子以及儿童，全都分开布道。我听过的那次是向儿童布道，孩子们进入教堂，成排坐在长凳上，男孩由一位年轻男子指导，他是他们的老师，女孩则由一位年轻女性指导。布道内容似乎很适合孩子们的理解能力，讲解方式令人感到愉快亲切，似乎在哄他们做个好孩子一样。孩子们举止规范，但看起来脸色苍白，并不健康，这让我怀疑他们在室内时间过长，或是没有得到足够的锻炼。

我打听了摩拉维亚教徒的婚俗，想知道他们是否如传闻所说，依靠抽签决定婚事。别人告诉我，抽签只在特定情况下使用，一般而言，年轻男子想成家时，先把自己的意愿告诉指导他们的长辈，再由长辈与管理年轻女性的年长妇女们商量。因为这些长辈对各自学生的脾气性格非常了解，所以他们能最准确地判断谁与谁结婚最合适，一般而言，年轻男女双方是遵从他们的判断的。但比如说，如果有两三位姑娘都同样适合一个年轻小伙儿，这时就采用抽签的办法。我对此有不同意见，如果结婚大事不由双方自己选择，有些婚姻可能不会幸福。告知我此事的人回答说：“如果你让男女双方自己选择，他们还是可能会不幸福的。”这句话我也的确不能否认。

Being returned to Philadelphia, I found the association went on swimmingly, the inhabitants that were not Quakers having pretty generally come into it, formed themselves into companies, and chose their captains, lieutenants, and ensigns, according to the new law. Dr. B. visited me, and gave me an account of the pains he had taken to spread a general good liking to the law, and ascribed much to those endeavors. I had had the vanity to ascribe all to my Dialogue; however, not knowing but that he might be in the right, I let him enjoy his opinion, which I take to be generally the best way in such cases. The officers, meeting, chose me to be colonel of the regiment, which I this time accepted. I forget how many companies we had, but we paraded about twelve hundred well-looking men, with a company of artillery, who had been furnished with six brass field-pieces, which they had become so expert in the use of as to fire twelve times in a minute. The first time I reviewed my regiment they accompanied me to my house, and would salute me with some rounds fired before my door, which shook down and broke several glasses of my electrical apparatus. And my new honour proved not much less brittle; for all our commissions were soon after broken by a repeal of the law in England.

During this short time of my colonelship, being about to set out on a journey to Virginia, the officers of my regiment took it into their heads that it would be proper for them to escort me out of town, as far as the Lower Ferry. Just as I was getting on horseback they came to my door, between thirty and forty, mounted, and all in their uniforms. I had not been previously acquainted with the project, or I should have prevented it, being naturally averse to the assuming of state on any occasion; and I was a good deal chagrin'd at their appearance, as I could not avoid their accompanying me. What made it worse was, that, as soon as we began to move, they drew their swords and rode with them naked all the way. Somebody wrote an account of this to the proprietor, and it gave him great offense. No such honor had been paid him when in the province, nor to any of his governors; and he said it was only proper to princes of the blood royal, which may be true for aught I know, who was, and still am, ignorant of the etiquette in such cases.

回到费城后，我发现防卫队的事务进行得很顺利，非贵格会信徒的居民们基本都加入了，并根据新的法律自行组成连队，选出了上尉、中尉和少尉。邦德医生前来拜访我，向我叙述了他为使新法得到普遍支持所付出的辛苦努力，并认为新法能得到支持，很大程度上要归功于他的付出。此前我一直将此归功于我的那篇问答文章，但他说的或许是对的，所以我没有反驳他的观点，我认为在这种情况下，这一般是最好的办法。防卫队的军官集会时选我为上校，这次我接受了任命。我忘了当时我们有多少个连队，但我们列队集合时约有1,200名健壮士兵，还有一个炮兵连队，配有6门铜制野战炮，均能熟练使用，一分钟能开炮12次。第一次检阅部队后，他们护送我到住所，还要在我家门前向我鸣炮致敬，结果把我电学仪器上的几块玻璃震坏了。我的新荣誉也和这玻璃差不多脆弱，因为没过多久英国就废除了我们的法律，我们的所有职位也因此不存在了。

在担任上校的这段短暂时间内，有一次我要去弗吉尼亚，团里的军官认为应由他们护送我出城，直至下渡口。我正要上马时，他们大约三四十人来到我家门口，骑着马，全都穿着制服。我先前并不知道他们要这样做，否则会阻止他们，因为我一向不喜欢在任何场合摆架子，他们的出现让我大为不安，因为这时我已经无法避免让他们护送了。更糟糕的是，我们刚一出发，他们就拔剑出鞘，一路举着剑骑马前进。有人写信把此事告诉了领主，他对此十分不悦。他在本州从未受过这种礼遇，即使他的上级也从未有人向他们表示过这样的敬意，他说只有皇室的王公们才有资格享受，这也许不假，因为我以前对礼节之事一无所知，现在也依然如此。

This silly affair, however, greatly increased his rancour against me, which was before not a little, on account of my conduct in the Assembly respecting the exemption of his estate from taxation, which I had always oppos'd very warmly, and not without severe reflections on his meanness and injustice of contending for it. He accused me to the ministry as being the great obstacle to the king's service, preventing, by my influence in the House, the proper form of the bills for raising money, and he instanced this parade with my officers as a proof of my having an intention to take the government of the province out of his hands by force. He also applied to Sir Everard Fawkener, the postmaster-general, to deprive me of my office; but it had no other effect than to procure from Sir Everard a gentle admonition.

无论如何，这件蠢事使领主对我的敌意大增。他以前就非常讨厌我，因为我在州议会里一直强烈反对向领主免征财产税一事，还曾言辞激烈地批评他谋求此种权利是卑鄙自私、罔顾正义的。他向内阁指控我，说我严重妨碍英王的公务，利用自己在议会的影响，阻挠正当的筹款法案顺利通过，他还援引军官列队护送我一事，证明我有意从他手中强行夺取本州政权。他还请求邮电总长埃弗拉德·福克纳爵士免去我的职务，但埃弗拉德爵士只是温和地告诫了我一番，别无其他。

Notwithstanding the continual wrangle between the governor and the House, in which I, as a member, had so large a share, there still subsisted a civil intercourse between that gentleman and myself, and we never had any personal difference. I have sometimes since thought that his little or no resentment against me, for the answers it was known I drew up to his messages, might be the effect of professional habit, and that, being bred a lawyer, he might consider us both as merely advocates for contending clients in a suit, he for the proprietaries and I for the Assembly. He would, therefore, sometimes call in a friendly way to advise with me on difficult points, and sometimes, tho' not often, take my advice.

We acted in concert to supply Braddock's army with provisions; and, when the shocking news arrived of his defeat, the governor sent in haste for me, to consult with him on measures for preventing the desertion of the back counties. I forget now the advice I gave; but I think it was, that Dunbar should be written to, and prevail'd with, if possible, to post his troops on the frontiers for their protection, till, by re-enforcements from the colonies, he might be able to proceed on the expedition. And, after my return from the frontier, he would have had me undertake the conduct of such an expedition with provincial troops, for the reduction of Fort Duquesne, Dunbar and his men being otherwise employed; and he proposed to commission me as general. I had not so good an opinion of my military abilities as he profess'd to have, and I believe his professions must have exceeded his real sentiments; but probably he might think that my popularity would facilitate the raising of the men, and my influence in Assembly, the grant of money to pay them, and that, perhaps, without taxing the proprietary estate. Finding me not so forward to engage as he expected, the project was dropt, and he soon after left the government, being superseded by Captain Denny.

尽管总督和州议会之间一直争论不断，作为议会议员，我也很大程度上参与其中，但我和总督先生之间仍然保持着友好交往，从未有过任何私人矛盾。我有时认为，他知道议会对他的答复都由我起草，却没有或极少对我心存怨恨，这可能是出于职业习惯；他是律师出身，可能仅把我俩看成一场诉讼中对抗双方的律师而已，他代表领主，而我代表议会。因此，他有时会友好地拜访我，就一些难题给我些建议，有时他也会听取我的意见，尽管这并不经常发生。

我们共同行动，为布拉多克的军队供应粮草，当他战败的惊天消息传来之时，总督让我迅速去见他，与他商议防止偏远市郡居民弃城逃亡的办法。现在我已经忘了我提了什么建议，但我想自己是提议给邓巴写信，如果可能说服他在边境驻军，保卫这些市郡，等到殖民地援军赶到，他也许就能继续征伐。我从边境回来后，总督让我率领本州部队进行远征，去攻下杜肯堡，而邓巴及其下属则另有任用，他还提出要任命我为将军。我对自己的军事才能并没有他那么高的评价，也相信他一定是把自己的真实想法加以夸大才说出来，但很可能他认为我的声望会有助于招募士兵，我在议会的影响则能促使议会拨款支付军饷，也许还能免除向领主征财产税。总督发现我不像他预料的那样热衷此事后，就放弃了这项计划，不久他就不再担任总督一职了，由丹尼上校接任。

Before I proceed in relating the part I had in public affairs under this new governor's administration, it may not be amiss here to give some account of the rise and progress of my philosophical reputation.

In 1746, being at Boston, I met there with a Dr. Spence, who was lately arrived from Scotland, and show'd me some electric experiments. They were imperfectly perform'd, as he was not very expert; but, being on a subject quite new to me, they equally surpris'd and pleased me. Soon after my return to Philadelphia, our library company receiv'd from Mr. P. Collinson, Fellow of the Royal Society of London, a present of a glass tube, with some account of the use of it in making such experiments. I eagerly seized the opportunity of repeating what I had seen at Boston; and, by much practice, acquir'd great readiness in performing those, also, which we had an account of from England, adding a number of new ones. I say much practice, for my house was continually full, for some time, with people who came to see these new wonders.

To divide a little this incumbrance among my friends, I caused a number of similar tubes to be blown at our glass-house, with which they furnish'd themselves, so that we had at length several performers. Among these, the principal was Mr. Kinnersley, an ingenious neighbor, who, being out of business, I encouraged to undertake showing the experiments for money, and drew up for him two lectures, in which the experiments were rang'd in such order, and accompanied with such explanations in such method, as that the foregoing should assist in comprehending the following. He procur'd an elegant apparatus for the purpose, in which all the little machines that I had roughly made for myself were nicely form'd by instrument-makers. His lectures were well attended, and gave great satisfaction; and after some time he went thro' the colonies, exhibiting them in every capital town, and pick'd up some money. In the West India islands, indeed, it was with difficulty the experiments could be made, from the general moisture of the air.

在我继续讲述新任总督当政时我从事的公务活动之前，我先在此谈谈我的学术声望是如何产生并日渐积累起来，这应当不为过。

1746年我在波士顿时，遇见了一位斯宾斯博士，他刚从苏格兰来，做了一些电气实验给我看。实验做得不算太好，因为他并不在行，但这项内容对于我而言却非常新鲜，同样让我又惊又喜。回到费城后不久，我们的图书馆收到伦敦皇家学会会员柯林森先生赠送的一根玻璃管，内附利用玻璃管做实验的说明书。我立即借此机会重复了我在波士顿见到的实验，多次练习之后，我做这些英国寄来的说明书上提到的实验已经游刃有余了，此外我还添加了许多新实验。我说“多次练习”，因为有段时间我家常常挤满了人，他们都来瞧这些新奇玩意儿。

为使朋友们帮我稍稍分担一些这样的负担，我请我们的玻璃厂制造了许多类似的玻璃管，这样他们也有了玻璃管，我们就能有多人来演示实验了。其中最为主要的是一位非常聪明的邻居金纳斯利先生，他当时正失业，于是我鼓励他以向人展示实验赚钱，还给他写了两篇讲稿，其中各实验安排有序，还配有解释说明及操作方法，这样前面的实验有助于观察者对后面实验的理解。他为此还买了一台美观的仪器，仪器上所有小机件都是由仪器制造师精心制造，而我原来自己做的很粗糙。他的演讲听众很多，反响都非常满意，一段时间后，他去了各个殖民地，在各主要城镇进行演示，也赚了些钱。在西印度群岛，演示这些实验确实很难，因为那里空气一般都很潮湿。

Oblig'd as we were to Mr. Collinson for his present of the tube, etc., I thought it right he should be inform'd of our success in using it, and wrote him several letters containing accounts of our experiments. He got them read in the Royal Society, where they were not at first thought worth so much notice as to be printed in their Transactions. One paper, which I wrote for Mr. Kinnersley, on the sameness of lightning with electricity, I sent to Dr. Mitchel, an acquaintance of mine, and one of the members also of that society, who wrote me word that it had been read, but was laughed at by the connoisseurs. The papers, however, being shown to Dr. Fothergill, he thought them of too much value to be stifled, and advis'd the printing of them. Mr. Collinson then gave them to Cave for publication in his Gentleman's Magazine; but he chose to print them separately in a pamphlet, and Dr. Fothergill wrote the preface. Cave, it seems, judged rightly for his profit, for by the additions that arrived afterward they swell'd to a quarto volume, which has had five editions, and cost him nothing for copy-money.

It was, however, some time before those papers were much taken notice of in England. A copy of them happening to fall into the hands of the Count de Buffon, a philosopher deservedly of great reputation in France, and, indeed, all over Europe, he prevailed with M. Dalibard to translate them into French, and they were printed at Paris. The publication offended the Abbe Nollet, preceptor in Natural Philosophy to the royal family, and an able experimenter, who had form'd and publish'd a theory of electricity, which then had the general vogue. He could not at first believe that such a work came from America, and said it must have been fabricated by his enemies at Paris, to decry his system. Afterwards, having been assur'd that there really existed such a person as Franklin at Philadelphia, which he had doubted, he wrote and published a volume of Letters, chiefly address'd to me, defending his theory, and denying the verity of my experiments, and of the positions deduc'd from them.

我们对柯林森先生送我们玻璃管等物非常感激，我想应该告诉他我们成功地使用玻璃管做了实验，就给他写了几封信，描述了我们所做的实验。他在皇家学会朗读了这些信件，一开始人们认为信件所述内容没多大价值，不值得发表在他们的学报上。我为金纳斯利先生撰写的文章中有一篇是论述闪电与电的同一性，我把这篇文章寄给我的朋友米切尔博士，他也是皇家学会的会员，他写信告诉我这篇文章已在学会宣读，但被那些行家嘲笑了。但是，福瑟吉尔博士看了这些文章后，认为它们极有价值，绝不能埋没，还建议将它们刊印出来。于是柯林森先生把文章交给凯夫，让他刊登在《绅士杂志》上，但凯夫却把它们单独印成一本小册子，由福瑟吉尔博士作序。从获利的角度来看，凯夫的决定似乎是正确的，因为此后不断交给他新的文章，使那本小册子扩展为四开本，还不得不出了五版，他却完全不用支付稿费。

但是一段时期内，这些文章并未在英国引起注意。在法国乃至整个欧洲享有盛誉的哲学家德布丰伯爵偶然得到这本论文集，他说服达利巴德先生将其翻译成法语，并在巴黎刊印。这本论文集的出版惹恼了皇室自然哲学的导师诺莱神父，他也是一位能干的实验家，提出并发表过一套电学理论，当时还颇为流行。他起初不相信这样一部作品来自美洲，还说这一定是他在巴黎的对手为贬低他的学术体系而捏造的。后来，当他确信费城真有富兰克林这样一个人后（他原先怀疑这点），他撰写并发表了很多信件，主要是写给我的，为他的理论辩护，并否认我的实验及从实验中推导出结论的真实性。

I once purpos'd answering the abbe, and actually began the answer; but, on consideration that my writings contain'd a description of experiments which any one might repeat and verify, and if not to be verifi'd, could not be defended; or of observations offer'd as conjectures, and not delivered dogmatically, therefore not laying me under any obligation to defend them; and reflecting that a dispute between two persons, writing in different languages, might be lengthened greatly by mistranslations, and thence misconceptions of one another's meaning, much of one of the abbe's letters being founded on an error in the translation, I concluded to let my papers shift for themselves, believing it was better to spend what time I could spare from public business in making new experiments, than in disputing about those already made. I therefore never answered M. Nollet, and the event gave me no cause to repent my silence; for my friend M. le Roy, of the Royal Academy of Sciences, took up my cause and refuted him; my book was translated into the Italian, German, and Latin languages; and the doctrine it contain'd was by degrees universally adopted by the philosophers of Europe, in preference to that of the abbe; so that he lived to see himself the last of his sect, except Monsieur B—, of Paris, his eleve and immediate disciple.

What gave my book the more sudden and general celebrity, was the success of one of its proposed experiments, made by Messrs. Dalibard and De Lor at Marly, for drawing lightning from the clouds. This engag'd the public attention every where. M. de Lor, who had an apparatus for experimental philosophy, and lectur'd in that branch of science, undertook to repeat what he called the Philadelphia Experiments; and, after they were performed before the king and court, all the curious of Paris flocked to see them. I will not swell this narrative with an account of that capital experiment, nor of the infinite pleasure I receiv'd in the success of a similar one I made soon after with a kite at Philadelphia, as both are to be found in the histories of electricity.

我曾打算回复这位神父，事实上也已经提笔，但考虑到我的文章包含对实验过程的描述，任何人都能对此进行重复和检验，如果不予检验，也就不可能为其辩护，而文章中的观点只是推测而已，并没有独断地表述，因此我也没有为其辩护的必要。想到争论双方是用不同语言写作的人，可能由于误译或对对方意思的误解而争论不休，神父有一封信中的大部分论述就是因为一处误译引起，因此我决定不再为我的论文辩护，我相信与其为已经做过的实验争论不休，还不如把处理公务剩下的时间用来做新的实验呢。因此我没有给诺莱先生回复，而有件事情让我毫不后悔自己保持了缄默，因为我的朋友、皇家科学学院的勒罗伊先生出来替我驳斥了他的观点。我的论文集被翻译成意大利语、德语及拉丁语，其中包含的学说逐渐得到欧洲科学家们的普遍认可，神父的观点则逐渐失势，因此，神父成了有生之年这个学派的最后一位支持者，除了他的学生和门徒——巴黎的B先生外。

我的论文集之所以很快受到普遍欢迎，还因为书中所提的一个实验获得了成功。这个实验是要将云中的闪电引到地上来，是由在马莱的达利巴德先生和勒罗伊先生做的，在当时引起了社会的广泛关注。勒罗伊先生有一台实验科学仪器，并讲授实验科学，他重复进行所谓的“费城实验”。他们在国王和王室面前表演后，所有好奇的巴黎人都蜂拥而至，要来观摩实验。我不再详细叙述那次重要实验的情形了，不久之后我在费城用风筝进行了类似的实验，这次成功带给我的无穷快乐也不再多提，因为这两件事已在电学史中有所记载。

Dr. Wright, an English physician, when at Paris, wrote to a friend, who was of the Royal Society, an account of the high esteem my experiments were in among the learned abroad, and of their wonder that my writings had been so little noticed in England. The society, on this, resum'd the consideration of the letters that had been read to them; and the celebrated Dr. Watson drew up a summary account of them, and of all I had afterwards sent to England on the subject, which be accompanied with some praise of the writer. This summary was then printed in their Transactions; and some members of the society in London, particularly the very ingenious Mr. Canton, having verified the experiment of procuring lightning from the clouds by a pointed rod, and acquainting them with the success, they soon made me more than amends for the slight with which they had before treated me. Without my having made any application for that honor, they chose me a member, and voted that I should be excus'd the customary payments, which would have amounted to twenty-five guineas; and ever since have given me their Transactions gratis. They also presented me with the gold medal of Sir Godfrey Copley[7] for the year 1753, the delivery of which was accompanied by a very handsome speech of the president, Lord Macclesfield, wherein I was highly honoured.

Our new governor, Captain Denny, brought over for me the before-mentioned medal from the Royal Society, which he presented to me at an entertainment given him by the city. He accompanied it with very polite expressions of his esteem for me, having, as he said, been long acquainted with my character. After dinner, when the company, as was customary at that time, were engag'd in drinking, he took me aside into another room, and acquainted me that he had been advis'd by his friends in England to cultivate a friendship with me, as one who was capable of giving him the best advice, and of contributing most effectually to the making his administration easy; that he therefore desired of all things to have a good understanding with me, and he begg'd me to be assur'd of his readiness on all occasions to render me every service that might be in his power. He said much to me, also, of the proprietor's good disposition towards the province, and of the advantage it might be to us all, and to me in particular, if the opposition that had been so long continu'd to his measures was dropt, and harmony restor'd between him and the people; in effecting which, it was thought no one could be more serviceable than myself; and I might depend on adequate acknowledgments and recompenses, etc., etc. The drinkers, finding we did not return immediately to the table, sent us a decanter of Madeira, which the governor made liberal use of, and in proportion became more profuse of his solicitations and promises.

英国的一位叫赖特的医生当时正在巴黎，给他的一位皇家学会的朋友写信，描述了我的实验在外国学者中得到的高度评价，他们纳闷儿我的论文在英国却少人问津。因此，皇家学会重新考虑了曾向他们宣读的信件，著名的沃森博士对这些信件及此后我寄至英国的有关这一内容的所有文章作了概要报告，还附上了对作者的一些赞誉。这一概要报告随后刊登在他们的学报上，有几位在伦敦的学会成员，尤其是非常聪明的坎顿先生，已经证实了用一根尖针可从云中得到电的实验，并告知皇家学会他们的实验取得了成功，于是，皇家学会很快改变了此前对我的轻蔑态度。在我没有提出申请的情况下就把我选为学会会员，投票同意免除我的例行入会费25几尼，以后还会免费将他们的学报赠给我。他们还把戈弗雷·科普利爵士1753年的金质奖章赠给我，学会主席迈克莱斯菲尔德勋爵就此发表了非常精彩的演说，其中给了我极高的赞誉。

我们的新任总督丹尼上校为我把英国皇家学会颁发的上述奖章带回了美洲，在费城为他举行的招待会上把奖章授予我，还极有礼貌地向我表示敬意，如他所说，他早已了解我的为人了。晚餐后，当众人如惯常一样开始饮酒时，丹尼上校把我带入另一个房间，告诉我说他的英国朋友建议他和我成为朋友，因为我能给他最好的建议，能最有效地帮助他，使他顺利治政，因此他极力希望与我交好，并请我相信在任何情况下，凡是他力所能及的，他都愿为我提供帮助。他也和我就领主对本州所怀的善意谈了很多，说若能放弃对领主各项措施长久以来的反抗，双方重新建立和谐关系，将会对大家都有好处，尤其是对我。为实现这一目标，他认为没人能比我发挥更大的作用，而我也会得到可观的酬金和回报等等。饮酒的人们见我们没有很快回到桌上，就派人给我们送了一瓶马德拉酒，于是总督开怀畅饮起来，而他喝得越多，请求和许诺也就越多。

My answers were to this purpose: that my circumstances, thanks to God, were such as to make proprietary favors unnecessary to me; and that, being a member of the Assembly, I could not possibly accept of any; that, however, I had no personal enmity to the proprietary, and that, whenever the public measures he propos'd should appear to be for the good of the people, no one should espouse and forward them more zealously than myself; my past opposition having been founded on this, that the measures which had been urged were evidently intended to serve the proprietary interest, with great prejudice to that of the people; that I was much obliged to him (the governor) for his professions of regard to me, and that he might rely on every thing in my power to make his administration as easy as possible, hoping at the same time that he had not brought with him the same unfortunate instruction his predecessor had been hamper'd with.

On this he did not then explain himself; but when he afterwards came to do business with the Assembly, they appear'd again, the disputes were renewed, and I was as active as ever in the opposition, being the penman, first, of the request to have a communication of the instructions, and then of the remarks upon them, which may be found in the votes of the time, and in the Historical Review I afterward publish'd. But between us personally no enmity arose; we were often together; he was a man of letters, had seen much of the world, and was very entertaining and pleasing in conversation. He gave me the first information that my old friend Jas. Ralph was still alive; that he was esteem'd one of the best political writers in England; had been employ'd in the dispute between Prince Frederic and the king, and had obtain'd a pension of three hundred a year; that his reputation was indeed small as a poet, Pope having damned his poetry in the Dunciad; but his prose was thought as good as any man's.

我的回答大意如此：感谢上帝，我的经济情况使我无需接受来自领主的任何财产恩惠，作为一名议员，我也不可能接受任何恩惠，但我与领主没有私人恩怨，凡他提出有助于公益的措施，没有人会比我更热烈地表示支持，过去之所以反对，全因其采取的措施显然是从领主自身的权益出发，严重损害了人民的利益。我非常感谢总督对我怀有这般敬意，他可以相信，我会尽我所能使他顺利治政，同时也希望他不会像他的前任那样下达不幸的指示，他的前任就是被这种命令拖累了。

对这一点他当时没有解释，但后来他开始和议会一起处理公务时，这样的指示再次出现，双方的争论又一次产生了，而我还如往常一般积极表示反对，首先，请求总督向议会传达领主有关命令的文件是我起草的，然后，议会对这些命令的意见书也是我起草的，这两份文件可在当时的表决书和我后来发表的《历史评论》中找到。但我们之间并没有私人怨恨，我们经常在一起，他属于文人雅士，见过很多世面，和他交谈令人感到轻松愉快。他最先告诉我，我的老朋友詹姆斯·拉尔夫仍然在世，他在英国被尊为最杰出的政治作家之一，曾参与过弗雷德里克王子和国王之间的纷争，并获得每年300英镑的养老金。作为诗人，他的名望确实不大，蒲柏曾在《愚人志》里抨击过他的诗歌，但是他的散文可与任何名家匹敌。

The Assembly finally finding the proprietary obstinately persisted in manacling their deputies with instructions inconsistent not only with the privileges of the people, but with the service of the crown, resolv'd to petition the king against them, and appointed me their agent to go over to England, to present and support the petition. The House had sent up a bill to the governor, granting a sum of sixty thousand pounds for the king's use (ten thousand pounds of which was subjected to the orders of the then general, Lord Loudoun), which the governor absolutely refus'd to pass, in compliance with his instructions.

I had agreed with Captain Morris, of the paquet at New York, for my passage, and my stores were put on board, when Lord Loudoun arriv'd at Philadelphia, expressly, as he told me, to endeavor an accommodation between the governor and Assembly, that his majesty's service might not be obstructed by their dissensions. Accordingly, he desir'd the governor and myself to meet him, that he might hear what was to be said on both sides. We met and discuss'd the business. In behalf of the Assembly, I urg'd all the various arguments that may be found in the public papers of that time, which were of my writing, and are printed with the minutes of the Assembly; and the governor pleaded his instructions; the bond he had given to observe them, and his ruin if he disobey'd, yet seemed not unwilling to hazard himself if Lord Loudoun would advise it. This his lordship did not chuse to do, though I once thought I had nearly prevail'd with him to do it; but finally he rather chose to urge the compliance of the Assembly; and he entreated me to use my endeavors with them for that purpose, declaring that he would spare none of the king's troops for the defense of our frontiers, and that, if we did not continue to provide for that defense ourselves, they must remain expos'd to the enemy.

议会终于发现，领主们还是冥顽不化地用这样的命令束缚他们的代理人，这不仅违反人民的利益，也与为英王服务的使命背道而驰，于是议会决定向英王请愿，并指定我作为他们的代理人去英国提交并解释我们的请愿书。议会向总督提交了一份议案，拨款六万镑供国王使用（其中一万镑应由当时的罗顿勋爵支配），但遵照领主的命令，总督坚决拒绝批准这项议案。

我与一艘纽约邮船的莫里斯船长商定乘他的船前往英国。我的物品都已搬上船，这时罗顿勋爵抵达了费城，他告诉我，他此行目的很明确，即努力使总督和议会之间达成和解，不要因双方意见不合而阻碍了英王的事务。于是，他希望我和总督都去见他，这样他就能听听我们双方的说法。我们见了面，讨论了这件事情。我代表议会强调了当时政府公共文件中的各种理由，那些文件由我起草，随议会会议记录一起印了出来。总督则以领主的命令为由，说自己有义务遵守这些命令，否则会被免职。如果当时罗顿勋爵提议让他冒险一试，他似乎并非不情愿，但罗顿勋爵却没有这么做，尽管有一次我觉得我就快说服他了，但最后他还是希望议会能够服从，还恳求我运用自己的影响达到这个目的，宣称他绝不会让英王的任何军队来保卫我们的边境，如果我们自己不继续为防御做准备，那么我们的边境定会受到敌人的袭击了。

I acquainted the House with what had pass'd, and, presenting them with a set of resolutions I had drawn up, declaring our rights, and that we did not relinquish our claim to those rights, but only suspended the exercise of them on this occasion thro' force, against which we protested, they at length agreed to drop that bill, and frame another conformable to the proprietary instructions. This of course the governor pass'd, and I was then at liberty to proceed on my voyage. But, in the meantime, the paquet had sailed with my sea-stores, which was some loss to me, and my only recompense was his lordship's thanks for my service, all the credit of obtaining the accommodation falling to his share.

He set out for New York before me; and, as the time for dispatching the paquet-boats was at his disposition, and there were two then remaining there, one of which, he said, was to sail very soon, I requested to know the precise time, that I might not miss her by any delay of mine. His answer was, "I have given out that she is to sail on Saturday next; but I may let you know, entre nous, that if you are there by Monday morning, you will be in time, but do not delay longer." By some accidental hinderance at a ferry, it was Monday noon before I arrived, and I was much afraid she might have sailed, as the wind was fair; but I was soon made easy by the information that she was still in the harbor, and would not move till the next day. One would imagine that I was now on the very point of departing for Europe. I thought so; but I was not then so well acquainted with his lordship's character, of which indecision was one of the strongest features. I shall give some instances. It was about the beginning of April that I came to New York, and I think it was near the end of June before we sail'd. There were then two of the paquet-boats, which had been long in port, but were detained for the general's letters, which were always to be ready to-morrow. Another paquet arriv'd; she too was detain'd; and, before we sail'd, a fourth was expected. Ours was the first to be dispatch'd, as having been there longest. Passengers were engag'd in all, and some extremely impatient to be gone, and the merchants uneasy about their letters, and the orders they had given for insurance (it being war time) for fall goods! But their anxiety avail'd nothing; his lordship's letters were not ready; and yet whoever waited on him found him always at his desk, pen in hand, and concluded he must needs write abundantly.

我把事情经过告知议会，并向他们提交了我起草的一系列决议，其中申明了我们的权利，宣布我们绝不放弃这些权利，此次被武力胁迫，我们只是暂停行使这些权利，我们反对这种以武力相威胁的做法。议会最终同意放弃原先的议案，制定了服从领主命令的另一项议案。这项议案总督当然批准了，于是我也可以踏上旅途，没人限制了。但这时，那艘邮船已经载着我的物品启航了，这对我造成了一定损失，而我所得到的唯一补偿只是罗顿勋爵的几句感谢致辞，调解双方矛盾的功劳全都落在了他身上。

他在我之前动身前往纽约。因为邮船的出发时间由他决定，当时还有两艘邮船在纽约，他说其中有一艘很快就会启航，于是我询问他邮船出发的具体时间，免得耽误错过。他的回答是：“我已经宣布这艘船将于下周六启航，但我可以告诉你，如果你周一早上到那儿也能赶得及，但不能再晚了，这个你可别告诉别人。”由于渡口突然有些事情延误，我到码头时已是周一中午了，我很担心邮船已经启航，因为当天行船顺风，但我很快松了一口气，因为得知邮船仍在港口停泊，直到周二才会启航。人们可能会想我现在即将出发前往欧洲了。我也这么认为，但我那时还不太了解罗顿勋爵的脾性，不知道犹豫不决是他最大的特点之一。我可以举几个例子。我到纽约时大约是四月初，我想直到六月底我们才启航。当时有两艘邮船在港口停泊已久，但因等将军的信函迟迟未能出发，每次问起，回答总是说信函明天就到。另一艘邮船抵达了港口，也只能在此停留。我们的船出发之前，预计第四艘船也要到了。我们的船在港口等得最久，因此首先出发。乘客们都为各类事宜忙碌着，有些人已迫不及待地要出发了，商人们在为他们的信函和秋季货物保险的订单（当时是战时）担忧，但他们的忧虑是无济于事的，罗顿勋爵的信函还未准备好，但去拜访他的人却发现他总是伏在案上，手里握着钢笔，以为他一定有很多东西要写呢。

Going myself one morning to pay my respects, I found in his antechamber one Innis, a messenger of Philadelphia, who had come from thence express with a paquet from Governor Denny for the General. He delivered to me some letters from my friends there, which occasion'd my inquiring when he was to return, and where be lodg'd, that I might send some letters by him. He told me he was order'd to call to-morrow at nine for the general's answer to the governor, and should set off immediately. I put my letters into his hands the same day. A fortnight after I met him again in the same place. "So, you are soon return'd, Innis?" "Returned! No, I am not gone yet." "How so?" "I have called here by order every morning these two weeks past for his lordship's letter, and it is not yet ready." "Is it possible, when he is so great a writer? for I see him constantly at his escritoire." "Yes," says Innis, "but he is like St. George[8] on the signs, always on horseback, and never rides on!" This observation of the messenger was, it seems, well founded; for, when in England, I understood that Mr. Pitt gave it as one reason for removing this general, and sending Generals Amherst and Wolfe, that the minister never heard from him, and could not know what he was doing.

This daily expectation of sailing, and all the three paquets going down to Sandy Hook, to join the fleet there, the passengers thought it best to be on board, lest by a sudden order the ships should sail, and they be left behind. There, if I remember right, we were about six weeks, consuming our sea-stores, and oblig'd to procure more. At length the fleet sail'd, the General and all his army on board, bound to Louisburg, with intent to besiege and take that fortress; all the paquet-boats in company ordered to attend the General's ship, ready to receive his dispatches when they should be ready. We were out five days before we got a letter with leave to part, and then our ship quitted the fleet and steered for England. The other two paquets he still detained, carried them with him to Halifax, where he stayed some time to exercise the men in sham attacks upon sham forts, then alter'd his mind as to besieging Louisburg, and return'd to New York, with all his troops, together with the two paquets above mentioned, and all their passengers! During his absence the French and savages had taken Fort George, on the frontier of that province, and the savages had massacred many of the garrison after capitulation.

有天早上，我亲自去拜访他，在他的会客室里看到一位来自费城名叫因尼斯的邮差，他从费城来为丹尼总督送个包裹给这位将军。他还交给我几封我的费城朋友写来的信，于是我问他什么时候回去、住在哪里，好托他帮我带几封信回去。他告诉我，将军命他第二天九点来取写给总督的回信，然后他就立即动身。于是当天我就把信交到了他手里。两周以后，我在同一个地方又见到了他。

“因尼斯，你这么快就回来了？”

“回来？没呢，我还没走呢！”

“怎么会呢？”

“这两个星期里，我每天上午都奉命来取将军的信，但直到现在信也没写好。”

“这不可能呀，将军非常喜欢写作的，我总是看到他伏在书桌旁。”

“是的，”因尼斯说：“但他就像画像上的圣乔治一样，总是骑在马上，却永远不会前进。”

邮差的这个评论似乎颇有道理。因为在英国的时候，我就知道皮特先生之所以免除这位将军的职务，派阿默斯特将军和乌尔夫将军取代他，其原因之一就是内阁从来都听不到他的消息，也不知道他在做些什么。

每天盼着开船，而三只邮船都要开到桑迪胡克与舰队会合，旅客们认为最好还是呆在船上，免得邮船突然接到命令启航，他们就上不了船了。如果我没记错的话，我们在那儿等了大约六个星期，把准备的粮食消耗殆尽，只得再另行购买。舰队终于启航了，将军和他的全部部队都在船上，他们要去往路易斯堡，打算围攻并夺下此地，随行的所有邮船都按照命令与将军的船同行，将军一把公文写好，他们就立即准备离开。我们启程五天后才接到一封信，允许我们离开，于是我们的船就离开舰队，驶向英国。另两艘邮船还被他留在舰队里随行，不能离开，就这样一直随他到了哈利法克斯。将军在那儿停留了一段时间，训练士兵们对模拟堡垒作模拟袭击，然后又改变了围攻路易斯堡的想法，回到了纽约，他的所有部队，还有上述两艘邮船和所有旅客，就这样跟着他回到了纽约！而在他离开纽约期间，法国人和印第安人已夺取了本州边境的乔治堡，印第安人还屠杀了许多投降的驻军官兵。

I saw afterwards in London Captain Bonnell, who commanded one of those paquets. He told me that, when he had been detain'd a month, he acquainted his lordship that his ship was grown foul, to a degree that must necessarily hinder her fast sailing, a point of consequence for a paquet-boat, and requested an allowance of time to heave her down and clean her bottom. He was asked how long time that would require. He answer'd, three days. The general replied, "If you can do it in one day, I give leave; otherwise not; for you must certainly sail the day after to-morrow." So he never obtain'd leave, though detained afterwards from day to day during full three months.

On the whole, I wonder'd much how such a man came to be intrusted with so important a business as the conduct of a great army; but, having since seen more of the great world, and the means of obtaining, and motives for giving places, my wonder is diminished. General Shirley, on whom the command of the army devolved upon the death of Braddock, would, in my opinion, if continued in place, have made a much better campaign than that of Loudoun in 1757, which was frivolous, expensive, and disgraceful to our nation beyond conception; for, tho' Shirley was not a bred soldier, he was sensible and sagacious in himself, and attentive to good advice from others, capable of forming judicious plans, and quick and active in carrying them into execution. Loudoun, instead of defending the colonies with his great army, left them totally expos'd while he paraded idly at Halifax, by which means Fort George was lost, besides, he derang'd all our mercantile operations, and distress'd our trade, by a long embargo on the exportation of provisions, on pretence of keeping supplies from being obtain'd by the enemy, but in reality for beating down their price in favor of the contractors, in whose profits, it was said, perhaps from suspicion only, he had a share. And, when at length the embargo was taken off, by neglecting to send notice of it to Charlestown, the Carolina fleet was detain'd near three months longer, whereby their bottoms were so much damaged by the worm that a great part of them foundered in their passage home.

我后来在伦敦见到了邦内尔船长，他掌管这其中的一艘邮船。他告诉我，他的船被扣留一个月时，曾向将军报告船底长满了水草，一定会妨碍邮船行驶的速度，这对邮船来说是非常严重的，请求将军给他一些时间，好让他把船倾翻过来，把船底清扫干净。将军问他需要多长时间，他说需要三天，将军回答他说：“如果你能在一天内完成，我就批准，否则不行，因为后天你一定要启航了。”所以，他的请求没有得到允许，尽管后来他的船还是一天一天被扣留在那里，足足扣了三个月。

总体而言，我非常奇怪，这样的人如何能被委以执掌大军的重任，但后来随着我阅历的加深，看多了世间的种种钻营方法和封官授爵的动机后，我心中的疑问才渐渐解开。布雷多克死后，雪利将军接替他执掌了军队大权，我认为如果雪利将军留任此职，1757年战争中他所取得的战绩一定比罗顿要辉煌得多。罗顿办事轻率，铺张浪费，给我们的民族带来了难以想象的耻辱。尽管雪利并未学过如何作战，但他通情达理，富有远见，善于听取他人好的意见，能够作出明智的计划，并迅速主动地将计划付诸行动；而罗顿非但没有率领大军保卫诸殖民地，还在哈利法克斯懒散地练兵，使各殖民地在此期间毫无防备，遭遇重创，以致乔治堡失陷。此外，他还以防止粮食落入敌军之手为借口，对粮食出口实行长期禁运，扰乱我们所有的商业活动，阻挠贸易往来，而实际上，其目的在于压低粮价，使其有利于军粮承包商，据说（可能只是猜测）他也能从承包商所得的利润中分得一杯羹。当最终禁运被取消时，他又忘记把这一消息通知查尔斯敦，于是卡罗莱纳舰队被多扣留了近三个月，船底生了蛀虫，受损严重，许多船就在归途中沉没了。

Shirley was, I believe, sincerely glad of being relieved from so burdensome a charge as the conduct of an army must be to a man unacquainted with military business. I was at the entertainment given by the city of New York to Lord Loudoun, on his taking upon him the command. Shirley, tho' thereby superseded, was present also. There was a great company of officers, citizens, and strangers, and, some chairs having been borrowed in the neighborhood, there was one among them very low, which fell to the lot of Mr. Shirley. Perceiving it as I sat by him, I said, "They have given you, sir, too low a seat." "No matter," says he, "Mr. Franklin, I find a low seat the easiest."

While I was, as afore mention'd, detain'd at New York, I receiv'd all the accounts of the provisions, etc., that I had furnish'd to Braddock, some of which accounts could not sooner be obtain'd from the different persons I had employ'd to assist in the business. I presented them to Lord Loudoun, desiring to be paid the ballance. He caus'd them to be regularly examined by the proper officer, who, after comparing every article with its voucher, certified them to be right; and the balance due for which his lordship promis'd to give me an order on the paymaster. This was, however, put off from time to time; and, tho' I call'd often for it by appointment, I did not get it. At length, just before my departure, he told me he had, on better consideration, concluded not to mix his accounts with those of his predecessors. "And you," says he, "when in England, have only to exhibit your accounts at the treasury, and you will be paid immediately."

I mention'd, but without effect, the great and unexpected expense I had been put to by being detain'd so long at New York, as a reason for my desiring to be presently paid; and on my observing that it was not right I should be put to any further trouble or delay in obtaining the money I had advanc'd, as I charged no commission for my service, "O, sir," says he, "you must not think of persuading us that you are no gainer; we understand better those affairs, and know that every one concerned in supplying the army finds means, in the doing it, to fill his own pockets." I assur'd him that was not my case, and that I had not pocketed a farthing; but he appear'd clearly not to believe me; and, indeed, I have since learnt that immense fortunes are often made in such employments. As to my ballance, I am not paid it to this day, of which more hereafter.

对于不谙军务的人来说，管理一支军队一定是沉重的负担，因此我相信，雪利对自己被免职一事一定感到由衷地高兴。我参加了纽约为罗顿将军接任统帅一职举行的招待会，雪利尽管已不再担任这一职务，但也出席了。招待会上来了很多军官、市民和外地人，有些椅子是从附近居民家借来的，其中有一把非常矮，恰好雪利先生坐了。我坐在他旁边看到了，便说：“先生，他们给您的椅子太矮了。”他说：“不要紧，富兰克林先生，我发觉矮的座位最舒适。”

正如我前面所提到的，被扣留在纽约时，我收到了为布雷多克采购粮食等物的所有账单，其中有些账单我还没能及时从我雇来协助采购的人那里得到。我把账单送到罗顿勋爵那里，希望他如数支付我垫付的差额。他命令主管军官仔细检查账单，这位军官将每一项内容与其单据进行核对，证明账单准确无误，罗顿答应给我开张汇单，让我向军队出纳员提取应付的余额。但此事再三拖延，尽管我常常如约前来拿钱，但一直没有拿到。终于，在我离开之前，罗顿告诉我，经过更仔细的考虑，他决定不要把他的账目和其前任们的混淆起来。他说：“你到英国后，只要把你的账单送交国库，他们就会立即付给你钱。”

我提到我被迫长期滞留纽约时，有许多意外的花销，因此希望他们能立即把钱付给我，但他们无动于衷。我指出如果收回预支钱款时我还要遭遇更多麻烦或者拖延，这就太不公平了，因为我没有从中赚取佣金。他说：“哦，先生，你不会想让我们相信你没有从中赚钱吧，我们对这种事情再了解不过了，我们知道每一个为军队采购的人都中饱私囊。”我肯定地告诉他我没有，我连一分钱都没有私吞，但他很明显不相信我。的确，我后来知道干这一行的人常常从中发了大财。至于我垫付的那笔钱，至今也没有拿到，稍后我会再讲述。

Our captain of the paquet had boasted much, before we sailed, of the swiftness of his ship; unfortunately, when we came to sea, she proved the dullest of ninety-six sail, to his no small mortification. After many conjectures respecting the cause, when we were near another ship almost as dull as ours, which, however, gain'd upon us, the captain ordered all hands to come aft, and stand as near the ensign staff as possible. We were, passengers included, about forty persons. While we stood there, the ship mended her pace, and soon left her neighbor far behind, which prov'd clearly what our captain suspected, that she was loaded too much by the head. The casks of water, it seems, had been all plac'd forward; these he therefore order'd to be mov'd further aft, on which the ship recover'd her character, and proved the sailer in the fleet.

The captain said she had once gone at the rate of thirteen knots, which is accounted thirteen miles per hour. We had on board, as a passenger, Captain Kennedy, of the Navy, who contended that it was impossible, and that no ship ever sailed so fast, and that there must have been some error in the division of the log-line, or some mistake in heaving the log. A wager ensu'd between the two captains, to be decided when there should be sufficient wind. Kennedy thereupon examin'd rigorously the log-line, and, being satisfi'd with that, he determin'd to throw the log himself. Accordingly some days after, when the wind blew very fair and fresh, and the captain of the paquet, Lutwidge, said he believ'd she then went at the rate of thirteen knots, Kennedy made the experiment, and own'd his wager lost.

The above fact I give for the sake of the following observation. It has been remark'd, as an imperfection in the art of ship-building, that it can never be known, till she is tried, whether a new ship will or will not be a good sailer; for that the model of a good-sailing ship has been exactly follow'd in a new one, which has prov'd, on the contrary, remarkably dull. I apprehend that this may partly be occasion'd by the different opinions of seamen respecting the modes of lading, rigging, and sailing of a ship; each has his system; and the same vessel, laden by the judgment and orders of one captain, shall sail better or worse than when by the orders of another. Besides, it scarce ever happens that a ship is form'd, fitted for the sea, and sail'd by the same person. One man builds the hull, another rigs her, a third lades and sails her. No one of these has the advantage of knowing all the ideas and experience of the others, and, therefore, can not draw just conclusions from a combination of the whole.

在我们启航前，我们那艘邮船的船长常常夸耀自己的船行驶得如何之快，不幸的是，我们出海后，这艘邮船是96艘帆船中最为迟缓笨拙的，这让他大失颜面。对此我们曾多次猜测其原因，有一次我们附近有艘船几乎和我们一样行驶迟缓，但超过了我们，船长就命令所有人站到船尾去，并尽量靠近旗杆。包括我们乘客在内大约40人。我们站在那儿时，船的行驶速度加快了，很快就把那艘船远远抛在后面，这也清楚地证实了船长的猜测，即船头载重太大了。原来水桶似乎都放在船头，因此船长命令把水桶移到船尾来，这样我们的船就再次显示了她的特点，证明了它的确是舰队中最好的帆船。

船长说这艘船曾以13节的速度行驶过，折算一下，也就是每小时13英里。我们船上的乘客里有位海军的肯尼迪船长，他认为这是不可能的，没有哪艘船能行驶得那么快，一定是计程绳上的刻度有错误，或是投掷计程绳时出了什么问题。两位船长打了个赌，留待风足够大时来决定。肯尼迪对计程绳做了严格检查，认为没有问题后，他决定亲自把计程绳抛下去。过了几天后，风势变强了，邮船船长勒特威奇说他相信这时船正以13节的速度行驶着，肯尼迪做了实验测量后，承认自己输了。

我之所以提到上面这个事实，是为了说明下面这一点。人们已经指出，造船术中有个缺陷，即一艘新船是否是一艘好船要待试水后才知道。因为尽管新船是严格模仿好船的模型建造的，但结果却往往相反，造出来的新船十分笨重。我认为部分原因是水手们对于装货、装帆和航行的方式有着不同意见，每人都各有一套方法，同样一艘船，根据一位船长的判断和命令进行装货，其行驶速度与在另一位船长指令下进行装货后的行驶速度相比大为不同。此外，一艘船的制造、装备和航行很少是由同一人完成的，一人建造船身，一人负责装配，再有一人负责装货和驾驶。他们没有谁能了解别人的所有想法和经验，因此，把这几方面综合起来时，也就无法得出正确结论了。

Even in the simple operation of sailing when at sea, I have often observ'd different judgments in the officers who commanded the successive watches, the wind being the same. One would have the sails trimm'd sharper or flatter than another, so that they seem'd to have no certain rule to govern by. Yet I think a set of experiments might be instituted, first, to determine the most proper form of the hull for swift sailing; next, the best dimensions and properest place for the masts: then the form and quantity of sails, and their position, as the wind may be; and, lastly, the disposition of the lading. This is an age of experiments, and I think a set accurately made and combin'd would be of great use. I am persuaded, therefore, that ere long some ingenious philosopher will undertake it, to whom I wish success.

We were several times chas'd in our passage, but outsail'd every thing, and in thirty days had soundings. We had a good observation, and the captain judg'd himself so near our port, Falmouth, that, if we made a good run in the night, we might be off the mouth of that harbor in the morning, and by running in the night might escape the notice of the enemy's privateers, who often crus'd near the entrance of the channel. Accordingly, all the sail was set that we could possibly make, and the wind being very fresh and fair, we went right before it, and made great way. The captain, after his observation, shap'd his course, as he thought, so as to pass wide of the Scilly Isles; but it seems there is sometimes a strong indraught setting up St. George's Channel, which deceives seamen and caused the loss of Sir Cloudesley Shovel's squadron. This indraught was probably the cause of what happened to us.

即使是海上航行的简单操作，我常常注意到尽管风势相同时，在相邻时段值班的船员也会做出不同的判断。一个船员可能会比另一个把帆调得或陡一些，或平一些，因此他们似乎并非有章可循。但我想也许可以先设计一组实验，首先决定最适宜快速航行的船身样式，再来确定桅杆的最佳尺寸和最恰当位置，然后根据风势，确定帆的样式、数量和位置，最后还要想好货物装船的方法。这是个实验的时代，我想一组设计严谨、相得益彰的实验是大为有用的。因此我相信不久以后会有一位聪颖灵巧的哲学家进行这项研究，我祝他成功。

我们在航行途中数次被敌人追逐，但我们的船行驶得比他们都快，30天后我们行至了浅水区域。我们的测量非常准确，船长判断我们离法尔茅斯港已经很近了，如果我们夜里能顺利行进的话，第二天一早我们也许就能到达港口了，而且夜间行驶能逃过敌方私掠船的注意，这种船多数是在海峡入口处巡航的。于是我们尽可能扬起所有的帆，由于风势很强，我们顺风而驶，行进迅速。船长经观察之后确定了航线，他以为那样可以避开锡利群岛，但有时圣乔治海峡处似乎有一股强劲的洋流，欺骗了不少水手，还造成了克劳兹利·肖维尔爵士的舰队在此失事。这股洋流很可能就是我们遭遇险情的原因。

We had a watchman plac'd in the bow, to whom they often called, "Look well out before there," and he as often answered, "Ay ay; " but perhaps had his eyes shut, and was half asleep at the time, they sometimes answering, as is said, mechanically; for he did not see a light just before us, which had been hid by the studdingsails from the man at the helm, and from the rest of the watch, but by an accidental yaw of the ship was discover'd, and occasion'd a great alarm, we being very near it, the light appearing to me as big as a cart-wheel. It was midnight, and our captain fast asleep; but Captain Kennedy, jumping upon deck, and seeing the danger, ordered the ship to wear round, all sails standing; an operation dangerous to the masts, but it carried us clear, and we escaped shipwreck, for we were running right upon the rocks on which the light-house was erected. This deliverance impressed me strongly with the utility of light-houses, and made me resolve to encourage the building more of them in America, if I should live to return there.

In the morning it was found by the soundings, etc., that we were near our port, but a thick fog hid the land from our sight. About nine o'clock the fog began to rise, and seem'd to be lifted up from the water like the curtain at a play-house, discovering underneath, the town of Falmouth, the vessels in its harbor, and the fields that surrounded it. This was a most pleasing spectacle to those who had been so long without any other prospects than the uniform view of a vacant ocean, and it gave us the more pleasure as we were now free from the anxieties which the state of war occasion'd.

I set out immediately, with my son, for London, and we only stopt a little by the way to view Stonehenge on Salisbury Plain, and Lord Pembroke's house and gardens, with his very curious antiquities at Wilton. We arrived in London the 27th of July, 1757. [9]

我们在船头安排了一个看守，他们常常冲他喊：“在那儿好好看着！”看守总是回答：“是，是。”但也许有时他闭上了眼睛在半睡半醒之间吧，答话只是机械的反应而已，因为他就连在我们前方的灯都没有看见，这座灯被副帆遮住了，所以掌舵人和其他值班人员都没有看到，但船身偶然偏了一下，于是人们发现了它，都惊慌不已，因为我们离它已经很近了，灯光在我看来有车轮般大。当时是半夜，船长正在熟睡之中，这时肯尼迪船长跳上了甲板，看到险情后下令张起所有的帆，掉转船头，这个动作对桅杆来说非常危险，但却让我们安然度过危险，幸免遇难，因为当时我们正向建有灯塔的礁石全力驶去。这次成功脱险让我深深感受到灯塔的作用，我决心如果还能活着回到美洲，一定要大力倡导在美洲多修灯塔。

早上时，通过测量水深等方法，我们发现已离港口不远，但当时起了浓雾，看不见陆地。大约九点钟时，浓雾渐渐散去，如同剧院里的帷幕一样，从水面升了起来，露出幕下的法尔茅斯镇，还有在港口里停靠的船舶和四周的田野。对于长期以来眼前除了单调的茫茫大海别无其他景象的人而言，这幅画面实在赏心悦目，我们现在也不用再为战争而忧心忡忡，这让我们更深深感到愉快。

我和我的儿子立即出发前往伦敦，途中只稍作停留，去索尔兹伯里平原上看了巨石阵，去威尔顿参观了彭布罗克勋爵的房屋、花园以及他收藏的珍稀文物。1757年7月27日，我们抵达了伦敦。

[1] 德国浸礼会，该教派系德美浸礼会一支派，反对兵役和宣誓。

[2] 英国国教会，又称英国圣公会，是英国在宗教改革中建立的民族教会，属于新教。

[3] 长老会教友，长老会是基督更正教的一派，源自16世纪的西欧改革运动。

[4] 浸信会教友，基督教新教的一派教徒，该派主张成年后始可受洗，受洗者应全身浸入水中。

[5] 摩拉维亚教会教徒，摩拉维亚教会乃基督教胡斯派后继者的组织，前身为波西米亚弟兄会。

[6] 吉耳，液量单位，一吉耳相当于四分之一品脱或四盎司。

[7] 科普利奖章，为英国皇家学院所颁发的最古老的科学奖之一，起于戈弗雷·科普利爵士在1709年捐赠100英镑作为实验研究的基金，于1731年开始颁发，是当时科学界的最高荣誉之一。

[8] 圣乔治（约260—303），出生于巴勒斯坦，为罗马骑兵军官，骁勇善战。他因试图阻止戴克里先皇帝治下对基督徒的迫害，公元303年被杀。公元494年被教皇格拉修一世封圣。

[9] 由富兰克林之孙威廉·坦普尔·富兰克林及其后人发表的《富兰克林自传》到此终结。后面的文字是富兰克林博士于生命的最后一年所写，在比奇洛先生1868年出版的《富兰克林自传》里首次发表。

PART FOUR

AS SOON as I was settled in a lodging Mr. Charles had provided for me, I went to visit Dr. Fothergill, to whom I was strongly recommended, and whose counsel respecting my proceedings I was advis'd to obtain. He was against an immediate complaint to government, and thought the proprietaries should first be personally appli'd to, who might possibly be induc'd by the interposition and persuasion of some private friends, to accommodate matters amicably. I then waited on my old friend and correspondent, Mr. Peter Collinson, who told me that John Hanbury, the great Virginia merchant, had requested to be informed when I should arrive, that he might carry me to Lord Granville's, who was then President of the Council and wished to see me as soon as possible. I agreed to go with him the next morning. Accordingly Mr. Hanbury called for me and took me in his carriage to that nobleman's, who receiv'd me with great civility; and after some questions respecting the present state of affairs in America and discourse thereupon, he said to me: "You Americans have wrong ideas of the nature of your constitution; you contend that the king's instructions to his governors are not laws, and think yourselves at liberty to regard or disregard them at your own discretion. But those instructions are not like the pocket instructions given to a minister going abroad, for regulating his conduct in some trifling point of ceremony. They are first drawn up by judges learned in the laws; they are then considered, debated, and perhaps amended in Council, after which they are signed by the king. They are then, so far as they relate to you, the law of the land, for the king is the LEGISLATOR OF THE COLONIES." I told his lordship this was new doctrine to me. I had always understood from our charters that our laws were to be made by our Assemblies, to be presented indeed to the king for his royal assent, but that being once given the king could not repeal or alter them. And as the Assemblies could not make permanent laws without his assent, so neither could he make a law for them without theirs. He assur'd me I was totally mistaken. I did not think so, however, and his lordship's conversation having a little alarm'd me as to what might be the sentiments of the court concerning us, I wrote it down as soon as I return'd to my lodgings. I recollected that about 20 years before, a clause in a bill brought into Parliament by the ministry had propos'd to make the king's instructions laws in the colonies, but the clause was thrown out by the Commons, for which we adored them as our friends and friends of liberty, till by their conduct towards us in 1765 it seem'd that they had refus'd that point of sovereignty to the king only that they might reserve it for themselves.

第四部分

查尔斯先生为我安排了住处，我一安顿好后，就立即去拜访了福瑟吉尔博士，因为有人向他强烈引荐了我，还建议我就诉讼事务向他咨询。福瑟吉尔博士反对立即向政府提出控诉，认为应首先和领主们私下商量，通过一些朋友从中劝说调解，也许能就此事达成和解。我又去拜访了与我通信的老朋友彼得·柯林森先生，他告诉我来自弗吉尼亚的大商人约翰·汉伯里先生请求在我到达时通知他，他可以带我去见时任枢密院院长的格兰维尔勋爵，后者也希望尽快见到我。我答应第二天早上和他一起去。于是汉伯里先生来接我，我们坐着他的马车到了格兰维尔勋爵那里，勋爵很有礼貌地接待了我。在问了我一些有关美洲现状的问题，并就此谈了一会儿后，他对我说：“你们美洲人对你们宪法的本质有着错误的认识，你们认为英王给总督的命令并不是法律，还认为你们可以自由选择遵守或是漠视这些命令。但它们并不是国王授予即将出国的公使的袖珍指令，告诉他一些有关礼仪的细枝末节。它们首先由熟谙法律的法官们起草，再由枢密院反复考虑、辩论或者修改，然后由国王签字认可。因此，这些命令对你们来说即是法律，因为国王是‘殖民地的立法者'。”我告诉勋爵我从未听过这样的理论。我从宪章上早就得知，我们的法律应由我们的议会制定，固然需要呈交国王批准，但一经批准，国王就不能再加以废止或是更改。没有国王的批准，议会不能制定永久性法律，而不经议会同意，国王也同样不能制定法律。勋爵肯定地说我完全错了。但我不这么认为，和勋爵的谈话倒是提醒了我英国内阁对于我们有着怎样的看法，于是我一回到住处就把这次谈话记录了下来。我回忆起约20年前，内阁向议会提出的议案中有这么一条，即国王的命令应成为殖民地的法律，但当时议会下院将此条否决了，我们还因此非常尊敬他们，把他们看成是朋友，是自由的朋友，直到1765年他们做出那样的事情，可能他们当时拒绝国王在殖民地拥有主权，只是想把这一权利留给自己吧。

After some days, Dr. Fothergill having spoken to the proprietaries, they agreed to a meeting with me at Mr. T. Penn's house in Spring Garden. The conversation at first consisted of mutual declarations of disposition to reasonable accommodations, but I suppose each party had its own ideas of what should be meant by reasonable. We then went into consideration of our several points of complaint, which I enumerated. The proprietaries justify'd their conduct as well as they could, and I the Assembly's. We now appeared very wide, and so far from each other in our opinions as to discourage all hope of agreement. However, it was concluded that I should give them the heads of our complaints in writing, and they promis'd then to consider them. I did so soon after, but they put the paper into the hands of their solicitor, Ferdinand John Paris, who managed for them all their law business in their great suit with the neighboring proprietary of Maryland, Lord Baltimore, which had subsisted 70 years, and wrote for them all their papers and messages in their dispute with the Assembly. He was a proud, angry man, and as I had occasionally in the answers of the Assembly treated his papers with some severity, they being really weak in point of argument and haughty in expression, he had conceived a mortal enmity to me, which discovering itself whenever we met, I declin'd the proprietary's proposal that he and I should discuss the heads of complaint between our two selves, and refus'd treating with any one but them. They then by his advice put the paper into the hands of the Attorney and Solicitor-General for their opinion and counsel upon it, where it lay unanswered a year wanting eight days, during which time I made frequent demands of an answer from the proprietaries, but without obtaining any other than that they had not yet received the opinion of the Attorney and Solicitor-General. What it was when they did receive it I never learnt, for they did not communicate it to me, but sent a long message to the Assembly drawn and signed by Paris, reciting my paper, complaining of its want of formality, as a rudeness on my part, and giving a flimsy justification of their conduct, adding that they should be willing to accommodate matters if the Assembly would send out some person of candour to treat with them for that purpose, intimating thereby that I was not such.

几天以后，福瑟吉尔博士已同领主们谈过此事，他们同意与我在托马斯·佩恩先生在春季花园的住所里见面。会面一开始，各方都宣称希望谋求事情的合理解决，但我想至于什么是“合理”，各自都有自己的看法。然后我们开始讨论我们的几点控诉意见，我把它们一一列举出来。领主们尽力为自己的行为辩解，而我则证明州议会的决定是正当的。我们这时的分歧非常大，似乎没有达成一致的希望。但我们最终决定由我把我们的控诉意见写下来交给他们，他们答应会予以考虑。我很快照办了，但是他们却把这份文件交给他们的律师费迪南德·约翰·帕里斯，此人负责他们与毗邻的马里兰州领主巴尔的摩勋爵的大诉讼案中的全部法律事务，这桩案子已经持续了70年之久，他还为领主们撰写与州议会争辩的所有文件和文章。他生性傲慢，脾气不好，我曾在为州议会写的回复文章中言辞激烈地反驳他的文章，因为这些文章确实论证薄弱，语气傲慢，于是他把我看成他的死敌，每次我们碰面，这种敌意就自然流露出来。领主们提议让我和他两人来讨论我们的控诉意见，我予以拒绝并表示只和他们本人进行讨论。于是领主们根据他的建议把这份文件交给检察长和副检察长，征询他们的意见。这份文件在他们那里搁置了一年只差八天，期间我常常向领主们询问答复，除了他们还未收到检察长和副检察长的意见外，别无任何音信。他们收到意见后，我也从不知道意见内容是什么，因为他们没有告诉我，只向州议会写了封由帕里斯拟写和签名的长信，详谈了我的意见书，说这篇意见书写得毫无规矩，从中看出我的粗鲁无礼，信中为他们的行为做了牵强附会的辩护，还说如果州议会能派个坦诚正直的人来和他们处理此事，他们会更愿意达成和解，言下之意就是我不是这样的人。

The want of formality or rudeness was, probably, my not having address'd the paper to them with their assum'd titles of True and Absolute Proprietaries of the Province of Pennsylvania, which I omitted as not thinking it necessary in a paper, the intention of which was only to reduce to a certainty by writing, what in conversation I had delivered viva voce.

But during this delay, the Assembly having prevailed with Gov'r Denny to pass an act taxing the proprietary estate in common with the estates of the people, which was the grand point in dispute, they omitted answering the message.

他说我没有规矩、粗鲁无礼，大概是因为我在意见书中没有使用他们的尊称“宾夕法尼亚州真正和绝对的领主们”，我认为在这份文件中没有必要用这样的称呼，所以省略了，因为这份文件的目的只是将我在谈话中已经口头表达的意见用书面形式确定下来而已。

但就在意见书耽搁期间，州议会已经说服丹尼总督批准了对领主财产和平民财产同样征税的法案，这是我们的争论焦点，所以州议会也不回复他们的信了。

When this act however came over, the proprietaries, counselled by Paris, determined to oppose its receiving the royal assent. Accordingly they petition'd the king in Council, and a hearing was appointed in which two lawyers were employ'd by them against the act, and two by me in support of it. They alledg'd that the act was intended to load the proprietary estate in order to spare those of the people, and that if it were suffer'd to continue in force, and the proprietaries who were in odium with the people, left to their mercy in proportioning the taxes, they would inevitably be ruined. We reply'd that the act had no such intention, and would have no such effect. That the assessors were honest and discreet men under an oath to assess fairly and equitably, and that any advantage each of them might expect in lessening his own tax by augmenting that of the proprietaries was too trifling to induce them to perjure themselves. This is the purport of what I remember as urged by both sides, except that we insisted strongly on the mischievous consequences that must attend a repeal, for that the money, L100,000, being printed and given to the king's use, expended in his service, and now spread among the people, the repeal would strike it dead in their hands to the ruin of many, and the total discouragement of future grants, and the selfishness of the proprietors in soliciting such a general catastrophe, merely from a groundless fear of their estate being taxed too highly, was insisted on in the strongest terms. On this, Lord Mansfield, one of the counsel rose, and beckoning me took me into the clerk's chamber, while the lawyers were pleading, and asked me if I was really of opinion that no injury would be done the proprietary estate in the execution of the act. I said certainly. "Then," says he, "you can have little objection to enter into an engagement to assure that point." I answer'd, "None at all." He then call'd in Paris, and after some discourse, his lordship's proposition was accepted on both sides; a paper to the purpose was drawn up by the Clerk of the Council, which I sign'd with Mr. Charles, who was also an Agent of the Province for their ordinary affairs, when Lord Mansfield returned to the Council Chamber, where finally the law was allowed to pass. Some changes were however recommended and we also engaged they should be made by a subsequent law, but the Assembly did not think them necessary; for one year's tax having been levied by the act before the order of Council arrived, they appointed a committee to examine the proceedings of the assessors, and on this committee they put several particular friends of the proprietaries. After a full enquiry, they unanimously sign'd a report that they found the tax had been assess'd with perfect equity.

当这项法案送交英国时，领主们在帕里斯的建议下决定反对其得到英王批准。他们在枢密院向国王请愿，枢密院指定了时间对此事进行听审。领主们请了两个律师反对这项法案，我也请了两个律师为法案辩护。领主们宣称，该法案目的在于加重领主财产负担以减轻平民负担，如果法案持续有效，考虑到平民普遍憎恶领主，在确定征税比例上如任由平民决定，那么领主不可避免地会破产。我们回答说法案并无此种目的，也不会产生这种结果。财产估价员们诚实谨慎，曾起誓要公平公正地对财产进行估价，他们如通过增加领主税额来减少自己的税款，从中所获的利益实在微不足道，不值得为此违背自己的誓言。这就是我所记得的双方的主张。此外，我们还着重强调如果撤销法案，后果将非常严重，因为我们已印发10万英镑的纸币，供给英王使用，为英王服务，现在已在人民中流通，如果撤销法案，人民手中的纸币就成了废纸，这会使很多人破产，将来政府要通过拨款也不太可能了。我们还用最激烈的言辞强调，领主们仅仅因为无端地担心自己的财产缴税太多，便要招致这样一场巨大灾难，实在是自私自利。这时，各位律师还在辩论，枢密院的一位顾问曼斯菲尔德勋爵站起身来，向我招手把我带到秘书室里，问我法案的执行是否真的不会对领主的财产造成损失。我说当然。他说：“那么你应该不反对订约保证这一点吧。”我说：“一点也不反对。”于是他把帕里斯叫了进来，经过一番谈话后，双方都同意了勋爵的提议。枢密院的秘书为此起草了一份文件，我和查尔斯先生签了字，他也是为他们处理日常事务的州代表。这时曼斯菲尔德勋爵回到了枢密院会议室里，法案最终得到了通过。但枢密院提出应对法案作些修改，我们也保证将在随后的法律中把这些改动加以确定，但州议会却认为无此必要，因为在枢密院的指令下达之前，该年的税款已根据法案征收。他们指定了一个委员会来检查征税财产估价员们的工作，并把领主的几位特殊的朋友安排在委员会中。经过详细审查，委员会成员一致认可财产估价做到了完全公平，并在报告上签了字。

The Assembly looked into my entering into the first part of the engagement, as an essential service to the Province, since it secured the credit of the paper money then spread over all the country. They gave me their thanks in form when I return'd. But the proprietaries were enraged at Governor Denny for having pass'd the act, and turn'd him out with threats of suing him for breach of instructions which he had given bond to observe. He, however, having done it at the instance of the General, and for His Majesty's service, and having some powerful interest at court, despis'd the threats and they were never put in execution…[Unfinished].

州议会认为我所订合约的第一部分是对本州的重大贡献，因为它保证了当时已在全州发行的纸币的信用。我回美洲时，他们向我郑重道谢。但是领主们对丹尼总督批准法案感到怒不可遏，他们撤销了他的职务，还威胁说因为他违反了其有义务遵守的领主命令，所以要起诉他。但丹尼总督是在将军的要求下这么做的，同时也是为英王陛下服务，加上他在英国内阁认识一些有权有势的人，所以他并不把领主的威胁放在眼里，而这些威胁也从来没有付诸实行……（未完成）

CHIEF EVENTS IN FRANKLIN'S LIFE

Ending, as it does, with the year 1757, the autobiography leaves important facts un-recorded. It has seemed advisable, therefore, to detail the chief events in Franklin's life, from the beginning, in the following list:

1706 He is born, in Boston, and baptized in the Old South Church.

1714 At the age of eight, enters the Grammar School.

1716 Becomes his father's assistant in the tallow-chandlery business.

1718 Apprenticed to his brother James, printer.

1721 Writes ballads and peddles them, in printed form, in the streets; contributes, anonymously, to the "New England Courant," and temporarily edits that paper; becomes a free-thinker, and a vegetarian.

1723 Breaks his indenture and removes to Philadelphia; obtaining employment in Keimer's printing-office; abandons vegetarianism.

1724 Is persuaded by Governor Keith to establish himself independently, and goes to London to buy type; works at his trade there, and publishes "Dissertation on Liberty and Necessity, Pleasure and Pain."

1726 Returns to Philadelphia; after serving as clerk in a dry goods store, becomes manager of Keimer's printing-house.

1727 Founds the Junto, or "Leathern Apron" Club.

1728 With Hugh Meredith, opens a printing-office.

1729 Becomes proprietor and editor of the "Pennsylvania Gazette" ; prints, anonymously, "Nature and Necessity of a Paper Currency" ; opens a stationer's shop.

1730 Marries Rebecca Read.

1731 Founds the Philadelphia Library.

1732 Publishes the first number of "Poor Richard's Almanac" under the pseudonym of "Richard Saunders." The Almanac, which continued for twenty-five years to contain his witty, worldly-wise sayings, played a very large part in bringing together and molding the American character which was at that time made up of so many diverse and scattered types.

1738 Begins to study French, Italian, Spanish, and Latin.

1736 Chosen clerk of the General Assembly; forms the Union Fire Company of Philadelphia.

1737 Elected to the Assembly; appointed Deputy Postmaster-General; plans a city police.

1742 Invents the open, or "Franklin," stove.

1743 Proposes a plan for an Academy, which is adopted 1749 and develops into the University of Pennsylvania.

1744 Establishes the American Philosophical Society.

1746 Publishes a pamphlet, "Plain Truth," on the necessity for disciplined defense, and forms a military company; begins electrical experiments.

1748 Sells out his printing business; is appointed on the Commission of the Peace, chosen to the Common Council, and to the Assembly.

1749 Appointed a Commissioner to trade with the Indians.

1751 Aids in founding a hospital.

1752 Experiments with a kite and discovers that lightning is an electrical discharge.

1753 Awarded the Copley medal for this discovery, and elected a member of the Royal Society; receives the degree of M.A. from Yale and Harvard. Appointed joint Postmaster-General.

1754 Appointed one of the Commissioners from Pennsylvania to the Colonial Congress at Albany; proposes a plan for the union of the colonies.

1755 Pledges his personal property in order that supplies may be raised for Braddock's army; obtains a grant from the Assembly in aid of the Crown Point expedition; carries through a bill establishing a voluntary militia; is appointed Colonel, and takes the field.

1757 Introduces a bill in the Assembly for paving the streets of Philadelphia; publishes his famous "Way to Wealth" ; goes to England to plead the cause of the Assembly against the Proprietaries; remains as agent for Pennsylvania; enjoys the friendship of the scientific and literary men of the kingdom.

[HERE THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY BREAKS OFF]

1760 Secures from the Privy Council, by a compromise, a decision obliging the Proprietary estates to contribute to the public revenue.

1762 Receives the degree of LL.D. from Oxford and Edinburgh; returns to America.

1763 Makes a five months' tour of the northern colonies for the purpose of inspecting the post-offices.

1764 Defeated by the Penn faction for reelection to the Assembly; sent to England as agent for Pennsylvania.

1765 Endeavors to prevent the passage of the Stamp Act.

1766 Examined before the House of Commons relative to the passage of the Stamp Act; appointed agent of Massachusetts, New Jersey, and Georgia; visits Gottingen University.

1767 Travels in France and is presented at court.

1769 Procures a telescope for Harvard College.

1772 Elected Associe Etranger of the French Academy.

1774 Dismissed from the office of Postmaster-General; influences Thomas Paine to emigrate to America.

1775 Returns to America; chosen a delegate to the Second Continental Congress; placed on the committee of secret correspondence; appointed one of the commissioners to secure the cooperation of Canada.

1776 Placed on the committee to draft a Declaration of Independence; chosen president of the Constitutional Committee of Pennsylvania; sent to France as agent of the colonies.

1778 Concludes treaties of defensive alliance, and of amity and commerce; is received at court.

1779 Appointed Minister Plenipotentiary to France.

1780 Appoints Paul Jones commander of the "Alliance."

1782 Signs the preliminary articles of peace.

1783 Signs the definite treaty of peace.

1785 Returns to America; is chosen President of Pennsylvania; reelected 1786.

1787 Reelected President; sent as delegate to the convention for framing a Federal Constitution.

1788 Retires from public life.

1790 April 17, dies. His grave is in the churchyard at Fifth and Arch streets, Philadelphia. Editor.

富兰克林生平大事记

富兰克林的自传只写到了1757年，留下许多重要事件没有记载。因此在此从头详细记录富兰克林生平的大事似乎很有意义，详见下表：

1706年　富兰克林出生于波士顿，在旧南方教堂受洗。

1714年　八岁时进入文法学校学习。

1716年　为父亲的油烛生意帮忙。

1718年　到哥哥詹姆斯的印刷店里当学徒。

1721年　创作叙事诗并沿街叫卖印刷出来的诗歌；匿名给《新英格兰报》投稿，担任该报的临时编辑；成为自由思想者和素食者。

1723年　抛弃学徒契约，来到费城；在凯默的印刷所工作；放弃食素。

1724年　接受基思总督的建议，决定独立开店，前往伦敦购置铅字；在印刷店干活，并发表《论自由与穷困、快乐与痛苦》一文。

1726年　回到费城；在一家干货店担任职员，后为凯默管理印刷店。

1727年　成立“学习社”，或叫“皮围裙”俱乐部。

1728年　与休·梅雷迪斯合开印刷所。

1729年　接办《宾夕法尼亚报》并担任编辑；匿名印发《论纸币的本质和必要性》一文；开文具店。

1730年　与丽贝卡·里德结婚。

1731年　建立费城图书馆。

1732年　以理查德·桑德斯的笔名发表《穷理查年鉴》的第一版。《穷理查年鉴》连续发行25年，包含他许多充满智慧和世俗经验的格言，这对凝聚和塑造原无定性的美利坚民族性格发挥了重要作用。

1738年　开始学习法语、意大利语、西班牙语和拉丁语。

1736年　被选为州议会秘书；成立费城联合消防队。

1737年　当选为州议会议员；担任副邮政总长；计划成立费城警察局。

1742年　发明开式或“富兰克林式”火炉。

1743年　提出成立学院的计划，于1749年实现，该学院是宾夕法尼亚大学的前身。

1744年　成立美国哲学学会。

1746年　出版一本小册子《明显的事实》，论述建立规范化防务的必要性，并组建了一支军队；开始电学实验。

1748年　将印刷所出售；担任治安委员会委员，当选为参事会成员及州议会议员。

1749年　担任与印第安人贸易的专员。

1751年　帮助建立医院。

1752年　用风筝做实验，发现闪电是一种放电现象。

1753年　因这一发现被授予科普利奖章，当选为皇家学会会员；获耶鲁大学和哈佛大学文科硕士学位；与他人共同担任邮政总长。

1754年　作为宾夕法尼亚代表之一出席在奥尔巴尼举行的殖民地大会；提出殖民地联盟计划。

1755年　为布雷多克军队筹集车马并用个人财产作担保；因克朗波因特之行获得州议会拨款；使建立一支志愿民兵部队的议案在议会获得通过；担任防卫队上校，带军打仗。

1757年　提出为费城街道铺路的议案；发表著名的《通向财富之路》一文；去英国为州议会向领主征税抗辩；留在英国担任宾夕法尼亚代理人；与英国科学界和文学界人士结下友谊。

自传写到此处

1760年　通过让步，使枢密院决定同意对殖民地领主财产征税作为财政收入。

1762年　获得牛津大学和爱丁堡大学法学博士学位；回到美洲。

1763年　对北部殖民地作为期五个月的访问，视察当地邮局。

1764年　在州议会改选中败给佩恩一派；作为宾夕法尼亚代理人前往英国。

1765年　尽力阻止《印花税法案》通过。

1766年　因《印花税法案》通过一事在英国下议院答问；担任马萨诸塞、新泽西和佐治亚代理人；访问哥廷根大学。

1767年　在法国旅行，被引见给法国王室。

1769年　为哈佛大学购买一架望远镜。

1772年　当选为法国科学院外国合作院士。

1774年　被免去邮政总长一职；影响托马斯·潘恩使其移民美洲。

1775年　回到美洲；当选为第二届大陆会议代表；担任秘密通讯委员会委员；担任确保加拿大合作事务的专员之一。

1776年　担任《独立宣言》起草委员会委员；当选为宾夕法尼亚制宪会议主席；作为殖民地代理人前往法国。

1778年　与法国签订防御联盟条约和友好商务条约；接受法国国王会见。

1779年　担任驻法全权大使。

1780年　任命保罗·琼斯为“联军”指挥官。

1782年　签订和平合约草案。

1783年　签订和平合约。

1785年　回到美国；当选为宾夕法尼亚州州长；1786年再次当选。

1787年　再次当选为州长；作为代表出席联邦制宪会议。

1788年　退出公共生活。

1790年4月17日　与世长辞。安葬在费城第五街和拱门街墓地，墓志铭为“印刷工富兰克林”。